Annotated Swadesh wordlists for the Lezgian group (North Caucasian family).

Languages included: Nidzh Udi [lez-udn], Vartashen Udi [lez-udv], Archi [lez-aqc], Kryts (proper) [lez-krp], Alyk Kryts [lez-kra], Budukh [lez-bdk], Mishlesh Tsakhur [lez-tkx], Mikik Tsakhur [lez-tky], Gelmets Tsakhur [lez-tkz], Mukhad Rutul [rut-rum], Ixrek Rutul [rut-rui], Luchek Rutul [rut-rul], Koshan Aghul [lez-agk], Keren Aghul [lez-age], Gequn Aghul [lez-agg], Fite Aghul [lez-agf], Aghul (proper) [lez-agp], Northern Tabasaran [lez-tan], Southern Tabasaran [lez-tas], Gyune Lezgi [lez-lzg].
Reconstruction: Proto-Lezgian reconstruction available.

DATA SOURCES

General.

Alekseev 1985 = М. Е. Алексеев. Вопросы сравнительно-исторической грамматики лезгинских языков. Морфология, Синтаксис. [M. E. Alekseev. Issues of comparative-historical grammar of Lezgian languages]. Москва, 1985. // Studies in the historical morphology and syntax of Lezgian languages.

Comrie & Khalilov 2010 = Б. Комри, М. Халилов. Словарь языков и диалектов народов Северного Кавказа. Сопоставление основной лексики. Лейпциг/Махачкала, 2010 [B. Comrie, M. Khalilov. Dictionary of languages and dialects of the peoples of the Northern Caucasus. Comparison of the basic lexicon. Leipzig/Makhachkala, 2010] // A thematic glossary of East Caucasian and some neighbouring languages. See http://lingweb.eva.mpg.de/ids/ for on-line access and detail. The source is actually somewhat unreliable, with a considerable number of erroneous forms.

Khaydakov 1973 = С. М. Хайдаков. Сравнительно-сопоставительный словарь дагестанских языков. Москва, 1973. // Thematic glossary of thirteen East Caucasian languages of Dagestan with comparative notes.

Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988 = А. Е. Кибрик, С. В. Кодзасов. Сопоставительное изучение дагестанских языков: Глагол. Москва, 1988. // A thematic glossary of verbs in East Caucasian languages. Supplemented by short sketches of the verb systems in individual languages.

Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990 = А. Е. Кибрик, С. В. Кодзасов. Сопоставительное изучение дагестанских языков: Имя, фонетика. Москва, 1990. // A thematic glossary of nouns in East Caucasian languages. Supplemented by short sketches of the phonetic and nominal systems in individual languages.

Koryakov 2006 = Ю. Б. Коряков. Атлас кавказских языков. С приложением полного реестра языков. Москва, 2006. // Detailed color maps of the modern areas of North East Caucasian, North West Caucasian and Kartvelian (South Caucasian) languages with excourses in history.

LEDb = S. A. Starostin. Lezgian Etymological Database. // Computerized version of the Proto-Lezgian corpus, available at http://starling.rinet.ru/cgi-bin/main.cgi?flags=eygtnnl. Includes some Proto-Lezgian etymologies (mostly basic lexicon items) that have not been included in [NCED] due to their lack of external cognates in other branches of North Caucasian.

NCED = S. L. Nikolayev, S. A. Starostin. A North Caucasian Etymological Dictionary. Moscow: Asterisk Publishers, 1994. Reprint in 3 vols.: Ann Arbor: Caravan Books, 2007. // Monumental etymological dictionary of the North Caucasian (Nakh-Daghestanian, a.k.a. Northeast Caucasian + Abkhaz-Adyghe, a.k.a. Northwest Caucasian) language family. In addition to approximately 2000 roots, reliably or tentatively reconstructed for Proto-North Caucasian, also provides intermediate reconstructions for the protolanguages of the daughter branches: Nakh, Avar-Andian, Tsezian, Dargwa, Lezghian, Abkhaz-Adyghe. Tables of correspondences and detailed notes are given in the introduction, available online at http://starling.rinet.ru/Texts/caucpref.pdf. All etymologies also available online on the StarLing database server, at http://starling.rinet.ru/cgi-bin/main.cgi?flags=eygtnnl.

Starchevskiy 1891 = А. В. Старчевский. Кавказский толмач. Переводчик с русского на главнейшие кавказские языки. Санкт-Петербург, 1891. // Glossaries, phrase-books and short grammar sketches for various languages of the Caucasus.

I. Udi (Nidzh; Vartashen).

Main sources

Dirr 1903 = А. М. Дирр. Грамматика удинского языка. Тифлис, 1903 (= Сборник материалов для описания местностей и племен Кавказа, вып. 33). // A grammar of the Vartashen dialect of Udi.

Dzheiranishvili 1971 = Evg. Dzheiranishvili. Udiuri ena. Gramat'ik'a, krest'omatia, leksik'oni. Tbilisi, 1971. // Descriptive grammar of Udi mainly based on the Vartashen dialect. Supplemented with several texts and a thematic glossary. In Georgian with a Russian summary.

Fähnrich 1999 = H. Fähnrich. Kleines udisch-deutsches Wörterverzeichnis. Jena: Friedrich-Schiller-Universität, 1999. // Author's own field records of the Vartashen dialect, from the 1960s.

Gippert et al. 2008 = J. Gippert, W. Schulze, Z. Aleksidze, J.-P. Mahé. The Caucasian Albanian Palimpsests of Mt. Sinai. 2 vols. Brepols, 2008. // A detailed edition of ancient texts written in the so-called Caucasian Albanian language.

Gukasyan 1974 = В. Гукасян. Удинско-азербайджанско-русский словарь. Баку, 1974. // The main (and, along with [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990], the most reliable) lexicographic source of Udi, supplemented by a grammar sketch. Covers both Nidzh (Cyrillic siglum Н) and Vartashen (Cyrillic siglum В) dialects. NB: We presume that if a form is quoted by Gukasyan without siglum, it is attested in both dialects.

Mobili 2010 = Р. Мобили. Удинско-азербайджанско-русский словарь. Баку, 2010. // A new Udi dictionary based on [Gukasyan 1974], but with a number of new entries and/or phonetical variants of dialectal nature (exclusive Vartashen forms are marked by asterisk *, but common Nidzh-Vartashen forms and exclusive Nidzh ones are unmarked).

Schiefner 1863 = A. Schiefner. Versuch über die Sprache der Uden. St. Petersburg, 1863. // Grammar, texts and glossary of Vartashen Udi.

Schulze 1982 = W. Schulze. Die Sprachen der Uden in Nord-Azerbajdžan. Wiesbaden, 1982. // A descriptive grammar of Udi, covering both dialects.

Schulze 2001 = W. Schulze. The Udi Gospels. Annotated text, etymological index, lemmatized concordance. München/Newcastle: Lincom, 2001. // Romanized and grammatically elaborated edition of Vartashen texts from [Bezhanov & Bezhanov 1902]. Contains a selective etymological glossary of Udi. The Romanized text of the Gospels is also available at http://titus.uni-frankfurt.de/texte/etcs/cauc/udi/nt/nt.htm [Accessed on 10.2010].

Schulze 2005 = W. Schulze. A Functional Grammar of Udi. Unpubl. ms. // Partial draft version of a comprehensive descriptive grammar of Udi, covering both dialects (Nidzh and Vartashen). Available on demand at the author's site: http://www.lrz.de/~wschulze/FGU.htm.

Schulze-Fürhoff 1994 = W. Schulze-Fürhoff. Udi. In: R. Smeets. The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus, vol. 4. Caravan Books, 1994. P. 447-514. // A grammar sketch that covers both dialects of Udi.

Additional sources

Alekseev 2008 = М. Е. Алексеев. Удинская лексика в этимологическом словаре лезгинских языков. In: Удинский сборник: Грамматика, лексика, история языка. Москва, 2008. P. 311-346. // Etymological elaboration of the basic Udi vocabulary.

Bezhanov & Bezhanov 1902 = С. Бежанов, М. Бежанов. Господа нашего Иисуса Христа Святое Евангелие от Матфея, Иоанна, Лики и Иоанна на русском и удинском языках. Тифлис, 1902 (= Сборник материалов для описания местностей и племен Кавказа, вып. 30) // Christian religious texts in the Vartashen dialect of Udi, recorded by S. & M. Bežanovs in the late 19^th century. Supplemented by Russian translation. Pagination restarts in each next Gospel. Re-edited in [Schulze 2001].

Dabakov 2008 = В. В. Дабаков. Лексика ниджского диалекта удинского языка (дополнения к словарю В. Гукасяна). In: Удинский сборник: Грамматика, лексика, история языка. Москва, 2008. P. 347-364. // Lexicographical addenda to [Gukasyan 1974] from the Nidzh dialect.

Ganenkov et al. 2008 = Д. С. Ганенков, Ю. А. Ландер, Т. А. Майсак. Удинский язык (ниджский диалект). In: А. Е. Кибрик (ред.). Малые языки и традиции: Существование на грани. Вып. 2: Тексты и словарные материалы. Москва, 2008. P. 232-259. // Several glossed texts from the Nidzh dialect.

Harris 2002 = A. C. Harris. Endoclitics and the origins of Udi morphosyntax. Oxford, 2002. // A detailed description of Udi verbal morphosyntax (covering both Nidzh and Vartashen dialects).

Maisak 2008a = Т. А. Майсак. Глагольная парадигма удинского языка (ниджский диалект). In: Удинский сборник: Грамматика, лексика, история языка. Москва, 2008. P. 96-161. // A detailed description of Nidzh Udi verb.

Maisak 2008b = Т. А. Майсак. Семантика и происхождение глагольных форм настоящего и будущего времени в удинском языке. In: Удинский сборник: Грамматика, лексика, история языка. Москва, 2008. P. 162-222.

Maisak 2008c = Т. А. Майсак. Варианты удинской орфографии: Краткий обзор. In: Удинский сборник: Грамматика, лексика, история языка. Москва, 2008. P. 443-460. // A description of all the main Cyrillic and Roman orthographies ever used for Udi.

Schulze 2008 = W. Schulze. Deictic strategies in Udi. In: Удинский сборник: Грамматика, лексика, история языка. Москва, 2008. P. 241-308.

II. Archi.

Chumakina et al. 2007 = M. Chumakina, D. Brown, G. G. Corbett, H. Quilliam. Словарь арчинского языка (арчинско-англо-русский) [A dictionary of Archi: Archi-Russian-English]. Махачкала: Деловой мир, 2007. Available online as: M. Chumakina, D. Brown, G. G. Corbett, H. Quilliam. A dictionary of the language of the Archi villages, Southern Daghestan, Caucasus, http://www.smg.surrey.ac.uk/archi/linguists/ [Accessed on November 2011]. // Archi-Russian-English dictionary based on [Kibrik et al. 1977b], thoroughly checked and supplemented with sound files. A number of new entries is added, but, on the contrary, some lexicographic information as well as some entries (e.g., personal pronouns), quoted in [Kibrik et al. 1977b], have been omitted. It is not recommended to use the English definitions proposed in the dictionary when attempting to establish the exact meaning of an Archi word; Russian definitions must be referred to for this purpose.

Chumakina 2009 = M. Chumakina. 2009. Archi vocabulary. In: M. Haspelmath & U. Tadmor (eds.). World Loanword Database. Munich: Max Planck Digital Library. // Available online at http://wold.livingsources.org/vocabulary/16 [Accessed on November 2011].

Dirr 1908 = А. М. Дирр. Арчинский язык. Тифлис, 1908 (= Сборник материалов для описания местностей и племен Кавказа, вып. 39) // A grammar of the Archi language, supplemented by texts and a glossary.

Kibrik 1994 = A. Kibrik. Archi. In: R. Smeets. The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus, vol. 4. Caravan Books, 1994. P. 297-365. // A grammar sketch of Archi.

Kibrik et al. 1977a = А. Е. Кибрик, С. В. Кодзасов, И. П. Оловянникова, Д. С. Самедов. Опыт структурного описания арчинского языка. Т. 1: Лексика, фонетика. Т. 2: Таксономическая грамматика. Т. 3: Динамическая грамматика. Москва, 1977. // A detailed grammar of Archi in three volumes.

Kibrik et al. 1977b = А. Е. Кибрик, С. В. Кодзасов, И. П. Оловянникова, Д. С. Самедов. Арчинский язык: Тексты и словари. Москва, 1977. // Various Archi texts with Russian translation, supplemented by a detailed Archi-Russian dictionary. The texts have now been re-recorded and published at the site of the LangueDOC project: http://www.philol.msu.ru/~languedoc/eng/archi/corpus.php [Accessed on November 2011].

Mikailov 1967 = К. Ш. Микаилов. Арчинский язык: Грамматический очерк с текстами и словарем. Махачкала, 1967. // A grammar of Archi supplemented by texts and a glossary.

III. Kryts (proper; Alyk).

Authier 2009 = G. Authier. Grammaire kryz (langue caucasique d'Azerbaïdjan, dialecte d'Alik). Leuven/Paris: Peeters, 2009. // A grammar of the Alyk dialect of Kryts.

Saadiev 1994 = Sh. M. Saadiev. Kryts. In: R. Smeets. The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus, vol. 4. Caravan Books, 1994. P. 407-446. // A grammar sketch of Kryts, covering main dialects.

IV. Budukh.

Alekseev 1994 = M. E. Alekseev. Budukh. In: R. Smeets. The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus, vol. 4. Caravan Books, 1994. P. 259-296. // A grammar sketch of Budukh.

Meylanova 1984 = У. А. Мейланова. Будухско-русский словарь. Москва, 1984. // Budukh-Russian dictionary of ca. 8000 entries supplemented by a Russian-Budukh word-index and a grammar sketch.

Talibov 2007 = Б. Б. Талибов. Будухский язык. Москва, 2007. // A descriptive grammar of Budukh supplemented by sample texts.

V. Tsakhur (Mishlesh; Mikik; Gelmets).

Main sources

Dirr 1913 = А. М. Дирр. Цахурский язык. [A. M. Dirr. The Tsakhur Language]. Тифлис, 1913 (= Сборник материалов для описания местностей и племен Кавказа, вып. 43). // A grammar of the Mikik dialect of the Tsakhur language, supplemented by texts and a glossary.

Ibragimov 1990 = Г. Х. Ибрагимов. Цахурский язык. [G. Kh. Ibragimov. The Tsakhur Language]. Москва, 1990. // A descriptive grammar of the Mishlesh dialect (Tsakh group; with excourses into the Mukhakh-Sabunchi and Suvagil dialects) and the Gelmets dialect (Gelmets group) of Tsakhur.

Ibragimov & Nurmamedov 2010 = Г. Х. Ибрагимов, Ю. М. Нурмамедов. Цахурско-русский словарь. [G. Kh. Ibragimov, Yu. M. Nurmamedov. Tsakhur-Russian Dictionary]. Махачкала, 2010. // A Tsakhur-Russian dictionary (based on the Tsakh dialectal group, mostly on the Mishlesh and Tsakhur-Kum dialects; some specific dialectal terms are also included, sometimes with special sigla), supplemented with a grammar sketch.

Kibrik et al. 1999 = А. Е. Кибрик, Я. Г. Тестелец (ред.). Элементы цахурского языка в типологическом освещении. [A. Y. Kibrik, Y. G. Testelets (eds.). Elements of Tsakhur from a typological point of view.] Москва, 1999. // A theoretical grammar of the Mishlesh dialect (Tsakh group) of Tsakhur, supplemented by texts and a glossary.

Schulze 1997 = W. Schulze. Tsakhur. München / Newcastle: Lincom Europe, 1997 (= Languages of the World / Materials 133). // A grammar sketch of the Tsakhur-Kum dialect (Tsakh group) of Tsakhur.

Additional sources

Davies et al. 1999 = I. R. L. Davies, T. Sosenskaja, G. G. Corbett. Colours in Tsakhur: First account of the basic colour terms of a Nakh-Daghestanian language. In: Linguistic Typology 3 (1999), pp. 179-207.

VI. Rutul (Mukhad; Ixrek; Luchek).

Alekseev 1994a = M. E. Alekseev. Rutul. In: R. Smeets. The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus, vol. 4. Caravan Books, 1994. P. 213-258. // A short grammar sketch of Rutul, based on the Mukhad dialect.

Dirr 1912 = А. М. Дирр. Рутульский язык. Тифлис, 1912 (= Сборник материалов для описания местностей и племен Кавказа, вып. 42). // A grammar of the Mukhad dialect of Rutul, supplemented by texts and a glossary (the latter also includes some forms from the Shinaz dialect under the siglum "Ш.").

Dzhamalov & Semedov 2006 = К. Э. Джамалов, С. А. Семедов. Рутульско-русский словарь (ихрекский диалект). Москва, 2006. // Rutul-Russian dictionary based on the Ixrek dialect. Supplemented by a Russian-Rutul word-index and a grammar sketch.

Ibragimov 1978 = Г. Х. Ибрагимов. Рутульский язык. Москва, 1978. // Descriptive grammar sketches and word-lists of the main Rutul dialects (Mukhad, Shinaz, Muxrek, Ixrek, Borch-Khnov).

Makhmudova 2001 = С. М. Махмудова. Морфология рутульского языка. Москва, 2001. // A morphological description of the Mukhad dialect of Rutul.

VII. Aghul (proper; Koshan; Keren; Gequn; Fite).

Dirr 1907 = А. М. Дирр. Агульский язык. Тифлис, 1907 (= Сборник материалов для описания местностей и племен Кавказа, вып. 37). // A grammar of the Gequn (Burkikhan) dialect of the Aghul language, supplemented by texts and a glossary.

Magometov 1970 = А. А. Магометов. Агульский язык: Исследования и тексты. Тбилиси, 1970. // A grammar of the main Aghul dialects, supplemented by texts (unfortunately, in many cases the dialectal origin of the discussed forms is not specified by the author; it seems that normally these unmarked forms are proper Aghul).

Shaumyan 1941 = Р. М. Шаумян. Грамматический очерк агульского языка с текстами и словарем. Москва/Ленинград, 1941. // A grammar sketch of the main Aghul dialects (mostly based on the Koshan dialect), supplemented by texts and a glossary. The following sigla are used in Shaumyan’s dictionary: "дул.", "тп.", "цир." = proper Aghul dialect (sub-dialects of the villages Duldug, Tpig, Tsirkhe respectively); "арс.", "бур.", "худ." = Koshan dialect (sub-dialects of the villages Arsug, Burshag, Khudig respectively); "гекх." = Gequn (Burkikhan) dialect; "фит." = Fite (Fit’e) dialect; "ус." = Keren dialect (sub-dialects of the village Usug).

Suleymanov 1993 = Н. Д. Сулейманов. Сравнительно-историческое исследование диалектов агульского языка. Махачкала, 1993. // Historical studies on the dialects of the Aghul language.

Suleymanov 2003 = Н. Д. Сулейманов. Агульско-русский (диалектологический) словарь. Махачкала, 2003. // An Aghul-Russian dictionary of ca. 5000 entries, containing data on the Tpig sub-dialect of the proper Aghul dialect (the siglum "т.") and the Arsug, Burshag, Khudig sub-dialects of the Koshan dialect (the generic siglum "к."); entries without a siglum are common Tpig-Koshan; illustrative examples are normally from Tpig.

Tarlanov 1994 = З. К. Тарланов. Агулы: их язык и история. Петрозаводск, 1994. // A grammar sketch of the Aghul language (based on the Proper Aghul dialect) with excourses on the history and ethnology of the Aghuls.

Ramazanov 2010 = М. Р. Рамазанов. Агульско-русский словарь. Махачкала, 2010. // Aghul-Russian dictionary with over 40000 entries (in fact, ca. 5000 non-derived lexemes).

VIII. Tabasaran (Northern, Southern).

Main sources

Alekseev & Shikhalieva 2003 = М. Е. Алексеев, С. Х. Шихалиева. Табасаранский язык. Москва, 2003. // A grammar sketch of the Literary Tabasaran language.

Dirr 1905 = А. М. Дирр. Грамматический очерк табасаранского языка. Тифлис, 1905 (= Сборник материалов для описания местностей и племен Кавказа, вып. 35). // A grammar of the Tabasaran language, based on the sub-dialect of the village Khanag (Northern dialect), supplemented by texts and a glossary. It must be noted that in Dirr's glossary some words are phonetically not Khanag, but rather originate from Southern Tabasaran.

Genko 2005 = А. Н. Генко. Табасаранско-русский словарь. Москва, 2005. // A Tabasaran-Russian dialectological dictionary, collected and prepared for publication by the author in the 1930s, but edited (by M. E. Alekseev) only in 2005. Supplemented by a dialectological sketch and several texts. The dictionary is based on the Khiv sub-dialect (Southern Tabasaran), although the Khyuryuk (Northern Tabasaran) forms are also systematically quoted, and a lot of specific forms and variants from other sub-dialects of both Southern and Northern Tabasaran are additionally provided. Khiv forms are quoted without special marksː for other sub-dialects the following sigla are used: Northern dialect: "Арк." (Arkit), "Д." (Dyubek), "К." (Kumi), "Тат." (Tatil), "Урс." (Ursyug), "Х." (Khyuryuk), "Хап." (Khapil), "Чув." (Chuvek). Southern dialect: "А.Я." (Ashaga Yarak), "Дж." (Dzhikhtig), "З." (Zildik), "Кан." (Kondik), "М." (Mezhgyul), "Н." (Nitrik), "С." (Sirtych), "Т." (Tinit), "Тр./Труф." (Truf), "Тур." (Turag), "Хор." (Khoredzh), "Ч." (Chara), "Чул." (Chulat), "Э." (Eteg), "Ю.Я." (Yukhary Yarak). The initial plus sign (+) denotes that the form is attested both in Khiv and in the undermentioned sub-dialect. It must be noted that dialectal specifications are not always accurate: in a substantial number of cases the specific siglum can be omitted (i.e. the form is formally marked as Khiv) or the plus sign can be omitted or, on the contrary, erroneously typed in.

Khanmagomedov 1957 = Школйириз рус чIалнанна табасаран чIалнан словарь. Ред. Б. Г. Ханмагомедов. Махачкала, 1957. // A Russian-Literary Tabasaran dictionary of ca. 16000 entries.

Khanmagomedov & Shalbuzov 2001 = Б. Г. Ханмагомедов, К. Т. Шалбузов. Табасаранско-русский словарь. Включает грамматический очерк табасаранского языка, сост. К. К. Курбанов. Москва: Илим, 2001. // A Literary Tabasaran-Russian dictionary of ca. 25000 entries, supplemented by a grammar sketch by K. K. Kurbanov.

Magometov 1965 = А. А. Магометов. Табасаранский язык. Исследование и тексты. Тбилиси, 1965. // A grammar of Tabasaran, covering both northern and southern dialects. The volume is supplemented by several texts.

Uslar 1979 = П. К. Услар. Табасаранский язык. С введением и комментариями А. А. Магометова. Тбилиси, 1979. // A grammar of the Tabasaran language, mostly based on the sub-dialect of the village Khanag (Northern dialect), supplemented by texts and a glossary. The manuscript was prepared in the 1870s, but only published one hundred years later.

Zhirkov 1948 = Л. И. Жирков. Табасаранский язык. Москва / Ленинград, 1948. // A descriptive grammar of the Literary Tabasaran language.

Additional sources

Kodzasov & Muravyeva 1982 = С. В. Кодзасов, И. А. Муравьева. Фонетика табасаранского языка. In: Табасаранские этюды. Материалы Дагестанской экспедиции 1979. Москва, 1982. P. 6-16. // A description of the phonetic system of the Dyubek sub-dialect (Northern dialect) of Tabasaran.

IX. Lezgi (Gyune).

Main sources

Alekseev & Sheykhov 1997 = М. Е. Алексеев, Э. М. Шейхов. Лезгинский язык. Москва, 1997. // A grammar sketch of the Literary Lezgi language.

Gadzhiev 1950 = М. М. Гаджиев. Русско-лезгинский словарь. Махачкала, 1950. // A Russian-Literary Lezgi dictionary of ca. 35 000 entries.

Gaydarov et al. 2009 = Р. И. Гайдаров, А. Г. Гюльмагомедов, У. А. Мейланова, Б. Б. Талибов. Современный лезгинский язык. Махачкала, 2009. // A descriptive grammar of the Literary Lezgi language.

Gyulmagomedov 2004 = А. Г. Гуьлмегьамедов. Лезги чIалан словарь. 2 т. 2-е изд. Махачкала, 2004. // The second corrected edition of the explanatory dictionary of the Literary Lezgi language in two volumes. Among other things, this source accurately quotes verbal paradigmatic forms and provides information on stress.

Haspelmath 1993 = M. Haspelmath. A Grammar of Lezgian. Mouton de Gruyter, 1993. // A descriptive grammar of the Literary Lezgi language.

Meylanova 1964 = У. А. Мейланова. Очерки лезгинской диалектологии. Москва, 1964. // A dialectological sketch of the Lezgi language.

Talibov & Gadzhiev 1966 = Б. Талибов, М. Гаджиев. Лезгинско-русский словарь. Москва, 1966. // A Literary Lezgi-Russian dictionary of ca. 28 000 entries, supplemented with a grammar sketch by B. Talibov.

Uslar 1896 = П. К. Услар. Кюринский язык. Тифлис, 1896. // A grammar of the Gyune dialect (Kyuri group) of the Lezgi language, supplemented by texts, a glossary and an excourse on the Akhty dialect (Samur group). The volume describes the sub-dialect of the village Mamrach/Mamrash, sometimes treated as transitional between Gyune and Yarki dialects. The manuscript is based on Uslar’s fieldwork in the 1860s.

Additional sources

Babaliyeva 2007 = A. Babaliyeva. Présentation du dialecte lezgi de Yargun (Azerbaïdjan) : grammaire, textes glosés et traduits. Mémoire principal de Master II. Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, 2007. // A short sketch of the Yargun dialect (Quba group) of the Lezgi language. We refer to the pagination of the available MS Word file, which can differ from the printed version.

Gadzhiev 1956 = М. М. Гаджиев. Школайриз урус чIаланни лезги чIалан словарь. Махачкала, 1956. // A Russian-Literary Lezgi school dictionary of ca. 13 500 entries.

Ganenkov 2011 = Д. С. Ганенков. Корпус лезгинского литературного языка. // Corpus of Literary Lezgian language, based on texts of the 2^nd half of the 20^th - early 21^st centuries. Includes ca. 800 000 wordforms. Available at: http://web-corpora.net/LezgianCorpus/search/

Ganieva 2007 = Ф. А. Ганиева. Джабинский диалект лезгинского языка. Махачкала, 2007. // A descriptive grammar of the Jaba (Dzhaba) dialect (Samur dialectal group) of the Lezgi language.

Ganieva 2007 = Ф. А. Ганиева. Курушский говор лезгинского языка. Махачкала, 2008. // A descriptive grammar of the Qurush dialect (Samur dialectal group) of the Lezgi language.

XI. Khinalug

Desheriev 1959 = Ю. Д. Дешериев. Грамматика хиналугского языка. Москва, 1959. // A descriptive grammar of the Khinalug language.

Ganieva 2002 = Ф. А. Ганиева. Хиналугско-русский словарь. Махачкала, 2002. // A Khinalug-Russian dictionary of ca. 8000 entries, supplemented with a grammar sketch.

KhinEDb = S. A. Starostin. Khinalug Etymological Database. // Computerized version of the Proto-Khinalug corpus, available at http://starling.rinet.ru/cgi-bin/main.cgi?flags=eygtnnl. Includes some Proto-Khinalug etymologies (mostly basic lexicon items) that have not been included in [NCED] due to their lack of external cognates in other branches of North Caucasian.

Kibrik 1994 = A. E. Kibrik. Khinalug. In: R. Smeets. The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus, vol. 4. Caravan Books, 1994. P. 367-406. // A grammar sketch of the Khinalug language.

Kibrik et al. 1972 = А. Е. Кибрик, С. В. Кодзасов, И. П. Оловянникова. Фрагменты грамматики хиналугского языка. Москва, 1972. // A descriptive grammar of the Khinalug language supplemented with texts and glossary.

Additional

Kerimov 1985 = К. Р. Керимов. Глагол хиналугского языка. Диссертация на соискание ученой степени кандидата филологических наук. Махачкала, 1985. // A study of the Khinalug verbal system.

NOTES

I. Udi (Nidzh; Vartashen).

I.1. General.

Two dialects of the Udi language - Nidzh and Vartashen - are closely related, but it is reasonable to treat them apart when applying lexicostatistics. The main lexicographic sources are [Gukasyan 1974] (both dialect) and [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (Nidzh nouns).

In the field Common Udi, the term "Proto-Udi" is sometimes used. This refers to the language that yielded the modern Nidzh and Vartashen dialects. Proto-Udi is opposed to "Proto-Caucasian Albanian-Udi" - an ancestor of the language of the Caucasian Albanian palimpsests, on the one hand, and of Proto-Udi, on the other.

I.2. Transliteration.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources (for all the other alphabets ever used for Udi see [Maisak 2008c: 456 ff.])

[Gukasyan 1974], [Comrie & Khalilov 2010]	[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]	[NCED]	[Schulze-Fürhoff 1994]	[Schulze 2001], [Schulze 2005]	[Harris 2002]	[Mobili 2010]	GLD
п	p	p	p	p	p	p	p
б	b	b	b	b	b	b	b
п1, пI	p̃	p:	pʼ	pʼ	pʼ	pʼ	pː
ф	f	f	f	f	f	f	f
в	v	w	v, w	v	v, w	v	v
т	t	t	t	t	t	t	t
д	d	d	d	d	d	d	d
т1, тI	t̃	t:	tʼ	tʼ	tʼ	tʼ	tː
ц	c	c	c	c	c	ś	c
дз	ʒ	ʒ	ʒ	ʒ	ʒ	z	ʒ
ц1, цI	c̃	c:	cʼ	cʼ	cʼ	sʼ	cː
с	s	s	s	s	s	s	s
з	z	z	z	z	z	z	z
ц́	c̃	cː, č:I	?	cʼ, ćʼ	?	sʼ	cː
ч	č	č	č	č	č	ç	č
дж	ǯ	ǯ	ǯ	ǯ	ǰ	c	ǯ
ч1, чI	č̃	č:	čʼ	čʼ	čʼ	cʼ	čː
ш	š	š	š	š	š	ş	š
ж	ž	ž	ž	ž	ž	j	ž
чъ	čI	čI	c̃	ć	č:	ç̌	čˤ
дж1, джI	ǯI	ǯI	ʒ̃	ʒ́	ǰ:	č	ǯˤ
ч́	č̃I	č:I	c̃ʼ	ćʼ	čʼ:	čʼ	čːˤ
ш1, шI	šI	šI	s̃	ś	š:	š	šˤ
ж1, жI	žI	žI	z̃	ź	ž:	ǰ	žˤ
к	k	k	k	k	k	k	k
г	g	g	g	g	g	g	g
к1, кI	k̃	k:	kʼ	kʼ	kʼ	kʼ	kː
ҝ	g, gy	g	g	g	g	g	g, gʸ
хъ	q	q	q	q	q	q	q
къ	q̃	q:	qʼ	qʼ	qʼ	qʼ	qː
х	X	χ	x̂	x	x	x	χ
гъ	R	ʁ	ĝ	ğ	ɣ	ğ	ʁ
гь	h	h	h	h	h	h	h
м	m	m	m	m	m	m	m
н	n	n	n	n	n	n	n
р	r	r	r	r	r	r	r
л	l	l	l	l	l	l	l
й	j	j	y	y	y	y	y
и	i	i	i	i	i	i	i
е	e	e	e	e	e	e	e
а	a	a	a	a	a	a	a
аь	ä	ä	ä	ä	ä	ǝ	ä
ы	ɨ	ɨ	ь	ǝ	ǝ	ı	ɨ
о	o	o	o	o	o	o	o
оь	ö	ö	ö	ö	ö	ö	ö
у	u	u	u	u	u	u	u
уь	ü	ü	ü	ü	ü	ü	ü
Vъ	VI, qI, šI	VI, qI, šI	V̱	Vˤ	Ṿ	V̆	Vˤ, qˤ, šˤ

Notes:

1. Our phonetic interpretation of the Nidzh dialect is based on [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 347].

2. According to Kodzasov's report [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 347], the three-way opposition of stops and affricates in Nidzh is as follows: tʰ ~ d ~ t͈, cʰ ~ ʒ ~ c͈ and so on. As noted by Kodzasov, the third series is pronounced with oral and glottal tenseness, but without gemination. We are not aware of any detailed phonetic description of the Modern Vartashen dialect, but according to Dm. Ganenkov (p.c.), the Vartashen three-way opposition of stops and affricates is very similar to the Nidzh one. This is supported by Gukasyan's description of Udi phonetics. In [Gukasyan 1974: 255] and other works of this author, the third series in Udi is called "preruptive", scil. fortis, without any difference between dialects. In order to avoid rare diacritics, we prefer to follow the [NCED] and UdiLang systems and transcribe the third marked series of obstruents with the sign ː. For the same reason, according to common practice, we omit the non-phonological aspiration ʰ for the first series. Thus, in our notation the three-way opposition of Nidzh & Vartashen stops and affricates looks as follows: t ~ d ~ tː, c ~ ʒ ~ cː and so on.

3. It must be noted that in a number of publications by Kartvelologists or Kartvelology-oriented authors (e.g., [Ǯeiranišvili 1971; Fähnrich 1999; Harris 2002]) the Udi system of stops and affricates is noted as t(ʰ) ~ d ~ tʼ, c(ʰ) ~ ʒ ~ cʼ and so on. Such a notation with the third series marked as ejective is a convenient adaptation of the Georgian alphabet, on one hand, and hints at the main etymological origin of the Udi tense obstruents, on the other.

4. The difference between Gukasyan's frequent {ц1} and very rare {ц́} is unclear. We treat both as cː {ц1} (according to Ganenkov's p.c., modern speakers do not perceive the difference between {ц1} and {ц́}).

5. Pharyngealization (a prosodic feature, which is anchored on vowels or, if present, on post-alveolar č ǯ čː š ž and/or uvular q qː χ ʁ obstruents in a phonetic word) can probably be noted as ͌ (velopharyngeal friction), but we prefer to use the more common notation ˤ. If there are no post-alveolar or uvular obstruents in a phonetic word, pharyngealization is transcribed for the first vowel. Otherwise, pharyngealization is noted after the first post-alveolar or uvular obstruent. Normally we do not discriminate between a ~ ä, o ~ ö, u ~ ü in pharyngealized words and transcribe these vowels as a, o, u.

6. Vowel length, noted in [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990], normally occurs in recently contracted forms or loanwords.

Ia. Caucasian Albanian.

This is the language of two palimpsests, which have been recently recovered, and several short inscriptions. These texts have been elaborated and edited as [Gippert et al. 2008]. The lower (Caucasian Albanian) layers of the palimpsests are dated between 7^th-10^th centuries of the 1^st millennium ad (see [Gippert et al. 2008: I-29 ff.] for detail).

The Caucasian Albanian language is very close to modern Udi, although it is unlikely that Caucasian Albanian is a direct ancestor of the known Nidzh and Vartashen dialects. We treat Caucasian Albanian as a close relative of the "Proto-Udi" language. Caucasian Albanian data, if available, is quoted in the Common Udi field.

The phonetic transcription of the Caucasian Albanian signs is, of course, somewhat of conventionality. In general, we follow the transliteration proposed and substantiated in [Gippert et al. 2008: II-1 ff.] with the following changes:

- "Postalveolar" sibilants (which are transcribed in [Gippert et al. 2008: II-10, 14, 15] as ś, ź, ć, ʒ́, ć̣, following Schulze's system, although in modern Udi these are pharyngealized alveolar) we render as šˤ, žˤ, čˤ, ǯˤ, čʼˤ;
- the sign #14 (Gippert-Schulze's ˤ) is rendered as ʕ, although its phonetic value is not entirely clear, see [Gippert et al. 2008: II-12];
- the sign #17 (x in [Gippert et al. 2008: II-11]) - as χ;
- the sign #24 (x̣ in [Gippert et al. 2008: II-11]) - as q. Note that both χ and q are often interchangeable in the palimpsests. Apparently more accurate transcription of #24 q should be the affricate q͡χ;
- the sign #41 (ġ in [Gippert et al. 2008: II-9]) - as ʁ;
- the Greek-inspired sign combination ow [Gippert et al. 2008: II-10] - as u;
- the sign #25 (å in [Gippert et al. 2008: II-11]) - as pharyngealized oˤ;
- the sign combination #47 + #50 (üw in [Gippert et al. 2008: II-11]) - as pharyngealized uˤ. Note that #25 (our oˤ) and discussed #47 are actually one alphabetical sign (see [Gippert et al. 2008: II-11]), so the combination oˤw (= our uˤ = Gippert et al.'s üw) is exactly paralleled by the combination ow (= our u = Gippert et al.'s ow).

II. Archi.

II.1. General.

The main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik et al. 1977b; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990; Chumakina et al. 2007].

II.2. Transliteration.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources (see also the comparative tables in [Kibrik et al. 1977a 1: 41] and at the site of the LangueDOC project: http://www.philol.msu.ru/~languedoc/eng/archi/alphabet.php).

[Chumakina et al. 2007]	[Kibrik et al. 1977a; Kibrik et al. 1977b]	[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]	[Mikailov 1967]	[Comrie & Khalilov 2010]	[NCED]	GLD
b	b	b	б	б	b	b
p	p (pʰ)	p	п, пп	п	p	p
pː	p̄	p̄	п, пп	пп	p:	pː
pʼ	pʼ	pʼ	пI	пI	ṗ	pʼ
d	d	d	д	д	d	d
t	t (tʰ)	t	т, тт	т	t	t
tː	t̄	t̄	т, тт	тт	t:	tː
tʼ	tʼ	tʼ	тI	тI	ṭ	tʼ
dʷ	d{U+02F3}	d˳	дв	дв	dʷ	dʷ
tʷ	t˳ (tʰ˳)	t˳	тв	тв	tʷ	tʷ
c	c	c	ц, ц̄	ц	c	c
cʼ	cʼ	cʼ	цI, ц̄I	цI	c̣	cʼ
cːʼ	c̄ʼ	c̄ʼ	цI, ц̄I	ццI	c̣:	cʼː
cʷ	c˳	c˳	цв	цв	cʷ	cʷ
cʼʷ	cʼ˳	cʼ˳	цIв	цIв	c̣ʷ	cʼʷ
z	z	z	з	з	z	z
s	s	s	с, с̄	с	s	s
sː	s̄	s̄	с, с̄	сс	s:	sː
zʷ	z˳	z˳	зв	зв	zʷ	zʷ
sʷ	s˳	s˳	св, с̄в	св	sʷ	sʷ
sːʷ	s̄˳	s̄˳	св, с̄в	ссв	s:ʷ	sːʷ
č	č	č	ч, ч̄	ч	č	č
čʼ	čʼ	čʼ	чI, ч̄I	чI	č̣	čʼ
čːʼ	č̄ʼ	č̄ʼ	чI, ч̄I	ччI	č̣:	čʼː
čʷ	č˳	č˳	чв, ч̄в	чв	čʷ	čʷ
čʼʷ	čʼ˳	čʼ˳	чIв, ч̄Iв	чIв	č̣ʷ	čʼʷ
ž	ž	ž	ж	ж	ž	ž
š	š	š	ш, ш̄	ш	š	š
šː	š̄	š̄	ш, ш̄	щ	š:	šː
žʷ	ž˳	ž˳	жв	жв	žʷ	žʷ
šʷ	š˳	š˳	шв, ш̄в	шв	šʷ	šʷ
šːʷ	š̄˳	š̄˳	шв, ш̄в	щв	š:ʷ	šːʷ
kɬ	ǩ	L	лI	лI	ƛ	ƛ
kɬʼ	ǩʼ	Lʼ	к̄ьI	кь	ƛ̣	ƛʼ
kɬʷ	ǩ˳	L˳	лIв	лIв	ƛʷ	ƛʷ
kɬʼʷ	ǩʼ˳	Lʼ˳	к̄ьIв	кьв	ƛ̣ʷ	ƛʼʷ
ɮ	ɣ̌	Ł	ль	ль	L	ʫ
ɬ	x̌	ɫ	лъ, л̄ъ	лъ	ʎ	ɬ
ɬː	x̄̌	ɫ̄	лъ, л̄ъ	лълъ, ллъ	ʎ:	ɬː
ɬʷ	x̌˳	ɫ˳	лъв, л̄ъв	лъв	ʎʷ	ɬʷ
ɬːʷ	x̄̌˳	ɫ̄˳	лъв, л̄ъв	лълъв, ллъв	ʎ:ʷ	ɬːʷ
g	g	g	г	г	g	g
k	k (kʰ)	k	к, кк	к	k	k
kː	k̄	k̄	к, кк	кк	k:	kː
kʼ	kʼ	kʼ	кI	кI	ḳ	kʼ
gʷ	g˳	g˳	гв	гв	gʷ	gʷ
kʷ	k˳ (kʰ˳)	k˳	кв, ккв	кв	kʷ	kʷ
kːʷ	k̄˳	k̄˳	кв, ккв	ккв	k:ʷ	kːʷ
kʼʷ	kʼ˳	kʼ˳	кIв	кIв	ḳʷ	kʼʷ
q	q	q	хъ	хъ	q	q
qʼ	qʼ	qʼ	кь, к̄ь	къ	q̇	qʼ
qːʼ	q̄ʼ	q̄ʼ	кь, к̄ь	къкъ, ккъ	q̇:	qʼː
qʷ	q˳	q˳	хъв	хъв	qʷ	qʷ
qʼʷ	qʼ˳	qʼ˳	кьв	къв	q̇ʷ	qʼʷ
ʁ	R	R	гъ	гъ	ʁ	ʁ
χ	x	X	х, х̄	х, хь	χ	χ
χː	x̄	X̄	х, х̄	хх, хь	χ:	χː
ʁʷ	R˳	R˳	гъв	гъв	ʁʷ	ʁʷ
χʷ	x˳	X˳	хв, х̄в	хв, хьв	χʷ	χʷ
χːʷ	x̄˳	X̄˳	хв, х̄в	ххв, ххьIв	χ:ʷ	χːʷ
ʕ	ʻ	ʕ	гI	гI		ʕ
ħ	H	H	хI, х̄I	хI		ħ
ʔ	ʼ	ʔ	ʼ		ʔ	ʔ
h	h	h	гь	гь	h	h
w	w	w	в	в	w	w
m	m	m	м	м	m	m
n	n	n	н	н	n	n
nn	nn	nn	нн	нн	nn	nː, nn
r	r	r	р	р	r	r
l	l	l	л	л	l	l
j	j	j	й	й	j	y
i	i	i	и	и	i	i
e	e	e	е, э	е, э	e	e
a	a	a	а	а	a	a
ǝ	ǝ	ǝ	ы	ы	ǝ	ǝ
o	o	o	о	о	o	o
u	u	u	у	у	u	u
Vˤ, qˤ	VI, qI	VI, VqI	VI	VI	VI, qI	Vˤ, qˤ
Vː	V̄	V̄	V	V̄, V	V̄	Vː
V́	V́	V́	V	V	V	ˈV

Notes.

1. According to Kodzasov's report [Kibrik et al. 1977a 1: 206 ff., 226 ff.], the voiceless stops are, in fact, aspirated: pʰ tʰ kʰ. Following common practice, we omit the sign ʰ and denote these as plain voiceless consonants: p t k.

2. The tense series of obstruents should rather be denoted as C͈, but, in order to avoid rare diacritics, we prefer to follow the common practice and mark these consonants as geminated Cː.

3. Following common practice, we do not note the initial glottal-stop (ʔ), which is an automatic prothesis in the case of vocalic onset.

4. Normally we denote pharyngealization as ˤ after the first vowel or after the first uvular obstruent (if there are uvulars in a phonetic word), although the real situation is somewhat more complicated, see [Kibrik et al. 1977a 1: 250 ff.].

III. Kryts (proper; Alyk).

III.1. General.

The Kryts (Kryz) language consists of several dialects named according to the corresponding villages. It is sometimes proposed to regard these dialects as separate languages. Out of these, two idioms have been more or less systematically described: Kryts proper (the Kryts village) and Alyk Kryts (the Alyk village).

For Kryts proper the main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]. A less reliable source is [Comrie & Khalilov 2010] (it seems that normally forms from Kryts proper are quoted, taken from Kibrik & Kodzasov's dictionaries, but in some cases the forms are either corrupted or originate from other dialects). Some exclusive forms are quoted after [NCED] and [LEDb], whose authors collected lexical data from Kryts proper themselves, during the MSU expedition of 1977. Some forms and grammatical information have also been taken from [Saadiev 1994].

The basic source for Alyk Kryts is the descriptive grammar [Authier 2009].

III.2. Transliteration.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources:

[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]	[Saadiev 1994]	[Authier 2009]	[Comrie & Khalilov 2010]	[NCED]	GLD
b	b	b	б	b	b
p	p	p	п	p	p
pʼ	pʼ	pʼ	пI	ṗ	pʼ
v	v	v	в	w, v	v
f	f	f	ф	f	f
d	d	d	д	d	d
t	t	t	т	t	t
tʼ	tʼ	tʼ	тI	ṭ	tʼ
ʒ	ʒ		дз	ʒ	ʒ
c	c		ц	c	c
cʼ	cʼ	tsʼ	цI	c̣	cʼ
z	z	z	з	z	z
s	s	s	с	s	s
ǯ	ǯ	c	дж	ǯ	ǯ
č	č	ç	ч	č	č
čʼ	čʼ	çʼ	чI	č̣	čʼ
	čʼ̊			č̣ʷ	čʼʷ
ž	ž	j	ж	ž	ž
š	š	ş	ш	š	š
g	g	g	г	g	g
k	k	k	к	k	k
kʼ	kʼ	kʼ	кI	ḳ	kʼ
g˳	g̊	gv	гв	gʷ	gʷ
k˳	k̊	kv	кв	kʷ	kʷ
kʼ˳	kʼ̊	kʼv	кIв	ḳʷ	kʼʷ
ǧ	ĝ	gh	г̌	ɣ	ɣ
x	x̂	xh	хь	x	x
x˳	x̂̊	xhv	хьв	xʷ	xʷ
G	qː-	ğ	къ-	q:-	ɢ (qː in the initial position or before a voiceless consonant)
q	q	q	хъ	q	q
qʼ	qʼ	qʼ	кь	q̇	qʼ
G˳	qː̊	ğv	къв	q:ʷ	ɢʷ, qːʷ
q˳	q̊	qv	хъв	qʷ	qʷ
qʼ˳	qʼ̊	qʼv	къв	q̇ʷ	qʼʷ
R	ǧ	ğ	гъ	ʁ	ʁ
X	x̌	x	х	χ	χ
X˳	x̌˳	xv	хв	χʷ	χʷ
ʕ	ʕ	ˤ	гI	ʕ	ʕ
H	ħ		хI	ħ	ħ
ʔ	ʔ	ʻ, ʼ	ъ	ʔ	ʔ
h	h	h	гь	h	h
m	m	m	м	m	m
n	n	n	н	n	n
r	r	r	р	r	r
l	l	l	л	l	l
j	y	y	й	j	y
i	i	i	и	i	i
e	e	e	е, э	e	e
a	a	a	а	a	a
ä	ä, e		аь	ä	ä
ě	e		ě, е	e	e
ɨ	ǝ		ы	ɨ	ɨ
o	o		о	o	o
ö	ö		оь	ö	ö
u	u	u	у	u	u
ü	ü		уь	ü	ü

Voiceless stops and affricates are actually aspirated: pʰ tʰ cʰ and so on. Following common practice, we omit the sign ʰ and denote these as plain voiceless: p t c and so on.

IV. Budukh.

IV.1. General.

The main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] and [Meylanova 1984]. Some forms and grammatical information have been taken from [Talibov 2007] and [Alekseev 1994]. An unreliable source is [Comrie & Khalilov 2010], which is generally based on the short Russian-Budukh word index at the end of [Meylanova 1984], without attention to semantic nuances of quasi-synonyms.

IV.2. Transliteration.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources:

[Meylanova 1984; Comrie & Khalilov 2010]	[Talibov 2007]	[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]	[Alekseev 1994]	[NCED]	GLD
б	б	b	b	b	b
п	п	p	p	p	p
пI	пI	pʼ	pʼ	ṗ	pʼ
в	в	v	v	w, v	v
ф	ф	f	f	f	f
д	д	d	d	d	d
т	т	t	t	t	t
тI	тI	tʼ	tʼ	ṭ	tʼ
ц		c		c	c
цI	цI	cʼ	cʼ	c̣	cʼ
з	з	z	z	z	z
с	с	s	s	s	s
дж		ǯ	ǯ	ǯ	ǯ
ч	ч	č	č	č	č
чI	чI	čʼ	čʼ	č̣	čʼ
ж	ж	ž	ž	ž	ž
ш	ш	š	š	š	š
г	г	g	g	g	g
к	к	k	k	k	k
кI	кI	kʼ	kʼ	ḳ	kʼ
		ǧ		ɣ	ɣ
хь	хь	x	x̂	x	x
къ (къг)	къ (къг)	G	qː	q:-	ɢ (qː in the initial & final positions or before a voiceless consonant)
хъ	хъ	q	q	q	q
кь	кь	qʼ	qʼ	q̇	qʼ
гъ	гъ	R	ǧ	ʁ	ʁ
х	х	X	x̌	χ	χ
ъ	ъ	ʡ	ʡ	ʡ	ʡ
гI	гI	ʕ	ʕ	ʕ	ʕ
хI	хI	H	ħ	ħ	ħ
ъ	ъ	ʔ	ʔ	ʔ	ʔ
гь	гь	h	h	h	h
м	м	m	m	m	m
н	н	n	n	n	n
р	р	r	r	r	r
л	л	l	l	l	l
й	й	j	y	j	y
и	и	i	i	i	i
е, э	е, э	e	e	e	e
а	а	a	a	a	a
аь	аь	ä	ä	ä	ä
ы	ы	ɨ	ɨ	ɨ	ɨ
а	а, ă	ǝ	ǝ	ǝ	ǝ
о	о	o	o	o	o
оь	оь	ö	ö	ö	ö
у	у	u	u	u	u
уь	уь	ü	ü	ü	ü

Notes.

1. Voiceless stops and affricates are actually aspirated: pʰ tʰ čʰ and so on. Following common practice, we omit the sign ʰ and denote these as plain voiceless: p t č and so on.

2. According to Kodzasov's report [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 345], voiced stops and affricates - b d ǯ g ɢ - become voiceless unaspirated (and apparently tense) in the initial and final position or before a voiceless obstruent, i.e. shift to p t č g q (apparently p͈ t͈ č͈ g͈ q͈), but do not coincide with the voiceless aspirated series mentioned above. Following common practice (cf. Kibrik & Kodzasov's transcription or traditional Cyrillic orthography), we do not reflect this non-phonological change and denote these phonemes as b d ǯ g in all positions. The only exception is /ɢ/ (Kibrik & Kodzasov' G), which is transcribed as tense qː in the initial and final position or before a voiceless obstruent and as ɢ otherwise. As noted in [Talibov 2007: 27], however, some speakers may articulate /ɢ/ as [qː] in all positions.

3. On sporadically attested consonantal geminates see [Alekseev 1994: 294] w. lit.

V. Tsakhur (Mishlesh; Mikik; Gelmets).

V.1. General.

The Tsakhur language consists of two dialectal groups [Ibragimov 1990: 12-13; Schulze 1997: 8]: Tsakh and Gelmets. The Tsakh group is divided into the following dialects, all of which are rather close to each other: Tsakhur-Kum, Mishlesh, Dzhynykh, Mukhakh-Sabunchi, Suvagil (named according to the corresponding villages or the groups of villages). The Gelmets group is divided into the Gelmets and Lek/Kurdul dialects. The dialect of the village Mikik is described as "transitional between Tsakh and Gelmets" in [Ibragimov 1990: 13]; in [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988: 4] the Mikik dialect is considered to be closer to Tsakh.

The newborn literary Tsakhur language, described in [Ibragimov & Nurmamedov 2010], is based on the Tsakh dialectal group, mostly on the Tsakhur-Kum and Mishlesh dialects [Ibragimov & Nurmamedov 2010: 13, 502] (for the most part, apparently, on Mishlesh proper).

The database includes three lists: for Mishlesh (Tsakh group), Gelmets (Gelmets group) and Mikik ("transitional") dialects. Unfortunately, only data on nouns have been systematically recorded and published for the Tsakhur-Kum (Tsakh group) dialect.

For the Mishlesh dialect, the main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik et al. 1999] (Mishlesh dialect) as well as [Ibragimov & Nurmamedov 2010] (literary Tsakhur). Some Mishlesh forms and grammatical information have been taken from [Ibragimov 1990]. In addition, literary Tsakhur forms from [Comrie & Khalilov 2010] (an unreliable source) are also quoted. In the notes, forms from the Tsakhur-Kum dialect (if known) are quoted after [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (K&K's siglum "ЦАХЦ") and [Schulze 1997].

For the Mikik dialect, the main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988] (verbs), [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (nouns; K&K's siglum "ЦАХ"), [Dirr 1913]. It is not explicated in [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988] which dialect is described by the authors under the siglum "ЦАХ" - Mikik, Tsakhur-Kum or Gelmets. Proceeding from the fact that these verbal forms are accompanied by the tonal information, we conclude that in [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988], the Mikik dialect is represented; some phonetic peculiarities also point to the Mikik dialect; the Mikik origin of the data of [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988] is also explicitly noted, e.g., in [Kibrik et al. 1999: 70] (in [NCED: 13], however, it is presumed that the siglum "ЦАХ" in [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988] covers the Tsakhur-Kum dialect).

For the Gelmets dialect, the main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (K&K's siglum "ЦАХГ"), where data on nouns from the Gelmets village are published. Gelmets verbs are quoted after [Ibragimov 1990] and, cautiously, after [Comrie & Khalilov 2010]. Grammatical information has been taken from [Ibragimov 1990].

V.2. Transliteration.

The following transliterational chart, covering our principal sources, can be presented (note that the Cyrillic orthography of [Ibragimov & Nurmamedov 2010] is very inconsistent, especially where it concerns palatalized consonants, y, ʔ etc.; in [Comrie & Khalilov 2010], additionally, the orthographic systems of [Ibragimov 1990] and [Ibragimov & Nurmamedov 2010] are mixed):

[Ibragimov 1990]	[Ibragimov & Nurmamedov 2010]	[Kibrik et al. 1999]	[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]	[NCED]	GLD
б	б	b	b	b	b
п	п	p	p	p	p
пп	пп	p̄	p̄	p:	pː
пI	пI	pʼ	pʼ	ṗ	pʼ
ф	ф	f	f	f	f
д (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	д (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	d (dɣ + i, e)	d (dy̱ + i, e)	d	d
дʹ (д + и, е)	дʹ (д + е, ё, ю, я, и)	dj (d + i, e)	dy (d + i, e)	d́, dʼ (d + i, e)	dʸ
т (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	т (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	t (tɣ + i, e)	t (ty̱ + i, e)	t	t
тʹ (т + и, е)	тʹ (т + е, ё, ю, я, и)	tj (t + i, e)	ty (t + i, e)	t́, tʼ (t + i, e)	tʸ
тт (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	тт (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	t̄ (t̄ɣ + i, e)	t̄ (t̄y̱ + i, e)	t:	tː
ттʹ (тт + и, е)	ттʹ (тт + е, ё, ю, я, и)	t̄j (t̄ + i, e)	t̄y (t̄ + i, e)	t́:, tʼ: (t: + i, e)	tːʸ
тI (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	тI (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	tʼ (tʼɣ + i, e)	tʼ (tʼy̱ + i, e)	ṭ	tʼ
тIʹ (тI + и, е)	тIʹ (тI + е, ё, ю, я, и)	tʼj (tʼ + i, e)	tʼy (tʼ + i, e)	ṭ́, ṭʼ (ṭ + i, e)	tʼʸ
тв	тв	t˳	t˳	tʷ	tʷ
тIв	тIв	tʼ˳	tʼ˳	ṭʷ	tʼʷ
дз	дз	-	-	-	ʒ
ц (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	ц (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	c (cɣ + i, e)	c (cy̱ + i, e)	c	c
цʹ (ц + и, е)	цʹ (ц + е, ё, ю, я, и)	cj (c + i, e)	cy (c + i, e)	ć, cʼ (c + i, e)	cʸ
цI (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	цI (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	cʼ (cʼɣ + i, e)	cʼ (cʼy̱ + i, e)	c̣	cʼ
цIʹ (цI + и, е)	цIʹ (цI + е, ё, ю, я, и)	cʼj (cʼ + i, e)	cʼy (c + i, e)	ć̣, c̣ʼ (c̣ + i, e)	cʼʸ
цц	цц	c̄	c̄	c:	cː
цв	цв	c˳	c˳	cʷ	cʷ
цIв	цIв	cʼ˳	cʼ˳	c̣ʷ	cʼʷ
з (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	з (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	z (zɣ + i, e)	z (zy̱ + i, e)	z	z
зʹ (з + и, е)	зʹ (з + е, ё, ю, я, и)	zj (z + i, e)	zy (z + i, e)	ź, zʼ (z + i, e)	zʸ
с (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	с (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	s (sɣ + i, e)	s (sy̱ + i, e)	s	s
сʹ (с + и, е)	сʹ (с + е, ё, ю, я, и)	sj (s + i, e)	sy (s + i, e)	ś, sʼ (s + i, e)	sʸ
сс (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	сс (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	s̄ (s̄ɣ + i, e)	s̄ (s̄y̱ + i, e)	s:	sː
ссʹ (сс + и, е)	ссʹ (сс + е, ё, ю, я, и)	s̄j (s̄ + i, e)	s̄y (s̄ + i, e)	ś:, sʼ: (s: + i, e)	sːʸ
зв	зв	z˳	z˳	zʷ	zʷ
дж	дж	ǯ	ǯ	ǯ	ǯ
ч	ч	č	č	č	č
чI	чI	čʼ	čʼ	č̣	čʼ
чч	чч	č̄	č̄	č:	čː
джв	джв	ǯ˳	ǯ˳	ǯʷ	ǯʷ
чв	чв	č˳	č˳	čʷ	čʷ
чIв	чIв	čʼ˳	čʼ˳	č̣ʷ	čʼʷ
ж	ж	-	ž	ž	ž
ш	ш	š	š	š	š
щ, шш	щ	š̄	š̄	š:	šː
жв	жв	-	ž˳	žʷ	žʷ
шв	шв	š˳	š˳	šʷ	šʷ
щв	щв	š̄˳	š̄˳	š:ʷ	šːʷ
г (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	г (+ о, у, а, и, ы)	g (gɣ + i, e)	g (gy̱ + i, e)	g	g
гʹ (г + и, е)	гʹ (г + ё, ю, я)	gj (g + i, e)	gy (g + i, e)	ǵ, gʼ (g + i, e)	gʸ
к (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	к (+ о, у, а, и, ы)	k (kɣ + i, e)	k (ky̱ + i, e)	k	kk
кʹ (к + и, е)	кʹ (к + ё, ю, я)	kj (k + i, e)	ky (k + i, e)	ḱ, kʼ (k + i, e)	kʸ
кI (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	кI (+ о, у, а, и, ы)	kʼ (kʼɣ + i, e)	kʼ (kʼy̱ + i, e)	ḳ	kʼ
кIʹ (кI + и, е)	кIʹ (кI + ё, ю, я)	kʼj (kʼ + i, e)	kʼy (kʼ + i, e)	ḳ́, ḳʼ (ḳ + i, e)	kʼʸ
кк (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	кк (+ о, у, а, и, ы)	k̄ (k̄ɣ + i, e)	k̄ (k̄y̱ + i, e)	k:	kː
ккʹ (кк + и, е)	ккʹ (кк + ё, ю, я)	k̄j (in the table on p. 16 misspelled as k̄˳)	k̄y (k̄ + i, e)	ḱ:, kʼ: (k: + i, e)	kːʸ
гв	гв	g˳	g˳	gʷ	gʷ
кв	кв	k˳	k˳	kʷ	kʷ
кIв	кIв	kʼ˳	kʼ˳	ḳʷ	kʼʷ
г̆	гI	ǧ	ǧ	ɣ	ɣ
хь (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	хь (+ о, у, а, и, ы)	x (xɣ + i, e)	x (xy̱ + i, e)	x	x
хьʹ (хь + и, е)	хьʹ (хь + ё, ю, я)	xj (x + i, e)	xy (x + i, e)	x́, xʼ (x + i, e)	xʸ
х̄ь (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	ххь (+ о, у, а, и, ы)	x̄ (x̄ɣ + i, e)	x̄ (x̄y̱ + i, e)	x:	xː
х̄ьʹ (х̄ь + и, е)	ххьʹ (ххь + ё, ю, я)	x̄j (x̄ + i, e)	x̄y (x̄ + i, e)	x́:, xʼ: (x: + i, e)	xːʸ
хьв	хьв	x˳	x˳	xʷ	xʷ
х̄в	ххьв	x̄˳	x̄˳	x:ʷ	xːʷ
къ	къ	G	G	q:-	Mishlesh: ɢ (qː in the initial); Tsakhur-Kum: ɢ; Mikik & Gelmets: qː (in the initial position).
хъ	хъ	q	q	q	q
кь	кь	qʼ	qʼ	q̇	qʼ
х̄ъ	ххъ	q̄	q̄	q:	qː
къв	къв	G˳	G˳	q:ʷ-	Mishlesh: ɢʷ (qːʷ in the initial); Tsakhur-Kum: ɢʷ; Mikik & Gelmets: qːʷ (in the initial position).
хъв	хъв	q˳	q˳	qʷ	qʷ
кьв	кьв	qʼ˳	qʼ˳	q̇ʷ	qʼʷ
х̄ъв	ххъв	q̄˳	q̄˳	q:ʷ	qːʷ
гъ	гъ	R	R	ʁ	ʁ
х	х	X	X	χ	χ
хх	хх	X̄	X̄	χ:	χː
гъв	гъв	R˳	R˳	ʁʷ	ʁʷ
хьв	хьв	X˳	X˳	χʷ	χʷ
-	ххьв	X̄˳	X̄˳	χ:ʷ	χːʷ
ъ	ъ	ʔ	ʔ	ʔ	ʔ
гь	гь	h	h	h	h
гьв	гьв	h˳	-	hʷ	hʷ
м	м	m	m	m	m
н (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	н (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	n (nɣ + i, e)	n (ny̱ + i, e)	n	n
нʹ (н + и, е)	нʹ (н + е, ё, ю, я, и)	nj (n + i, e)	ny (n + i, e)	ń, nʼ (n + i, e)	nʸ
р	р	r	r	r	r
л (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	л (+ э, о, у, а, ы)	l (lɣ + i, e)	l (ly̱ + i, e)	l	l
лʹ (л + и, е)	лʹ (л + е, ё, ю, я, и)	lj (l + i, e)	ly (l + i, e)	ĺ, lʼ (l + i, e)	lʸ
в	в	w	w	v, w	w
й	й (я, ю, ё, е)	j	j	j	y
и	и	i	i	i	i
е, э	е, э	e	e	e	e
а	а, я	a	a	a	a
ы	ы	ɨ	ɨ	ɨ	ɨ
о	о, ё	o	o	o	o
у	у, ю	u	u	u	u
аь			ä	ä	ä
оь			ö	ö	ö
уь			ü	ü	ü
V̄	VV, V̄	V̄	Vː	V̄	Vː
ий	ий	ī	i:	ī	iː
къʹ, хъʹ, х̄ъʹ, кьʹ(в), гъʹ(в), хʹ(в), ххʹ, ъʹ, гьʹ(в), VI	VI	VI	GI, qI, qʼI, q̄I, RI, XI, X̄I, VI	GI, qI, qʼI, q̄I, ʁI, χI, χ:I, VI	qˤ, ... , χˤ, ... , Vˤ

Notes.

1. Plain voiceless stops and affricates are actually aspirated: pʰ tʰ čʰ and so on. Following common practice, we omit the sign ʰ and denote these as plain voiceless: p t č and so on.

2. Voiced stops and affricates become devoiced in the initial and final position (not always) and after a voiceless fricative (/sd/ > [st], always), see [Kibrik et al. 1999: 14; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 343]. Following common practice (cf. Kibrik & Kodzasov's transcription or Cyrillic orthography), we do not reflect this non-phonological change, e.g., /sd/ is written as sd.

3. According to Kodzasov's report [Kibrik et al. 1999: 14-15], in the Mishlesh dialect the phoneme {G} (i.e. ɢ in IPA) occurs as [ɢ] in the intervocalic position, whereas in the initial position {G} is normally (but not always) realized as a voiceless non-aspirated [q]. For the sake of convenience, we transcribe all instances of Mishlesh initial {G} as qː (note that the proper phoneme qː occurs only in the intervocalic position), whereas Mishlesh intervocal {G} is transcribed as ɢ. According to [Schulze 1997: 14, 16], in the Tsakhur-Kum dialect the phoneme {G} (i.e. ɢ in IPA and Schulze’s notation) occurs as [ɢ] in both initial and medial positions. On the contrary, in the Mikik dialect (as well as, apparently, in Gelmets) Kibrik & Kodzasov's {G} occurs only in the initial position (being in complementary distribution with intervocalic qː). This initial {G} is realized as voiceless non-aspirated [q] [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 343]. We transcribe Mikik initial {G} as qː.

4. Normally, in all Tsakhur dialects we denote pharyngealization as ˤ after the first vowel or after the first uvular obstruent (if there is a uvular in the phonetic word), although the real situation is more complicated, see [Kibrik et al. 1999: 19] for the Mishlesh dialect, [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 344] for the Mikik dialect. Ibragimov [Ibragimov 1990: 182] reports on gradual loss of pharyngealization in the speech of younger generations in the Gelmets dialect; apparently this process is almost completed in the speech of the Gelmets informant in [Comrie & Khalilov 2010].

5. We do not note initial glottal-stop [ʔ], which is automatic in vowel-initial forms. We also do not note stress and/or tone, because the dialectal systems are too poorly described and the available data are contradictory.

VI. Rutul (Mukhad; Ixrek; Luchek).

VI.1. General.

The Rutul language consists of several dialects (see [Ibragimov 1978: 13 ff.] and [Makhmudova 2001: 3]): 1) Mukhad (proper Rutul or literary Rutul) dialect; 2) Shinaz dialect; 3) Muxrek (Myukhrek) dialect; 4) Ixrek (Ikhrek) dialect; 5) Borch-Khnov (Borch-Khinov) dialect; 6) "Mixed" dialects - according to [Ibragimov 1978: 15], the villages Kala, Amsar (Asar), Vurush (Vrush), Kina & Luchek represent the results of local migrations. Dialects of these villages are close to the Mukhad, Shinaz, sometimes to Ixrek dialects. Ibragimov labels them as "mixed dialects". Out of these, the Borch-Khnov dialect is the most detached; sometimes it is considered to be a separate language [Ibragimov 1978: 226 fn. 1].

The database includes three lists: Mukhad (proper Rutul), Ixrek, Luchek ("mixed") dialects. Unfortunately, the Borch-Khnov data have so far not been systematically recorded and published (except for glosses in [Comrie & Khalilov 2010]).

For the Mukhad dialect, the main lexicographic sources are [Dirr 1912] and [Ibragimov 1978]. Some Mukhad forms and grammatical information have been taken from [Makhmudova 2001] and [Alekseev 1994a]. In addition, literary Rutul forms from [Comrie & Khalilov 2010] (an unreliable source) are also quoted.

For the Ixrek dialect, the main lexicographic source is [Dzhamalov & Semedov 2006]. Some Ixrek forms and grammatical information have been taken from [Ibragimov 1978]. In addition, Ixrek forms from [Comrie & Khalilov 2010] (an unreliable source) are also quoted.

For the Luchek dialect, the main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988] and [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990].

VI.2. Transliteration.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources:

[Ibragimov 1978]	[Dzhamalov & Semedov 2006]	[Comrie & Khalilov 2010]	[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988], [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]	[NCED]	GLD
б	б	б	b	b	b
п	п	п	p	p	p
пI	пI	пI	pʼ	ṗ	pʼ
ф	ф	ф	f	f	f
д	д	д	d	d	d
	дд	дд	dd	dd	dː
т	т	т	t	t	t
тт	тт	тт	tt	tt	tː
тI	тI	тI	tʼ	ṭ	tʼ
тIв	тIв	тIв		ṭʷ	tʼʷ
дз	дз	дз	ʒ	ʒ	ʒ
ц	ц	ц	c	c	c
цI	цI	цI	cʼ	c̣	cʼ
цв		цв	c˳	cʷ	cʷ
цIв		цIв	cʼ˳	c̣ʷ	cʼʷ
з	з	з	z	z	z
с	с	с	s	s	s
св	св	св	s˳	sʷ	sʷ
дж	дж	дж	ǯ	ǯ	ǯ
ч	ч	ч	č	č	č
чI	чI	чI	čʼ	č̣	čʼ
джв	джв	джв	ǯ˳	ǯʷ	ǯʷ
чв		чв	č˳	čʷ	čʷ
чIв	чIв	чIв	čʼ˳	č̣ʷ	čʼʷ
ж	ж	ж	ž	ž	ž
ш	ш	ш	š	š	š
шв		шв	š˳	šʷ	šʷ
г	г	г	g	g	g
гʹ			gy	ǵ	gʸ
	гг	гг	gg	gg	gː
к	к	к	k	k	k
кʹ			ky	ḱ	kʸ
кк	кк	кк	kk	kk	kː
кI	кI	кI	kʼ	ḳ	kʼ
кIʹ			kʼy	ḳ́	kʼʸ
гв	гв	гв	g˳	gʷ	gʷ
кв	кв	кв	k˳	kʷ	kʷ
кIв	кIв	кIв	kʼ˳	ḳʷ	kʼʷ
г̆	гI	гI	ǧ	ɣ	ɣ
хь	хь	хь	x	x	x
хьʹ			xy	x́	xʸ
хьв	хьв	хьв	x˳	xʷ	xʷ
къ	къ	къ	G	q:	ɢ (qː in the initial position).
хъ	хъ	хъ	q	q	q
х̄ъ	къкъ	къкъ	GG	GG	-qː-
кь	кь	кь	qʼ	q̇	qʼ
къв	къв	къв	G˳	q:ʷ-	ɢʷ (qːʷ in the initial position).
хъв	хъв	хъв	q˳	qʷ	qʷ
кьв	кьв	кьв	qʼ˳	q̇ʷ	qʼʷ
гъ	гъ	гъ	R	ʁ	ʁ
х	х	х	X	χ	χ
гъв	гъв	гъв	R˳	ʁʷ	ʁʷ
хв	хв	хв	X˳	χʷ	χʷ
			ʕ	ʕ	ʕ
ъ	ъ	ъ	ʔ	ʔ	ʔ
гь, ъ	гь	гь	h	h	h
м	m		m	m	m
н	н	н	n	n	n
р	r		r	r	r
л	л	л	l	l	l
лʹ			ly	ĺ	lʸ
в	в	в	w, v	v, w	w
й	й (ю, я, е, ё)	й (ю, я, е, ё)	j	j	y
и	и	и	i	i	i
е, э	е, э	е, э	e	e	e
а	а	а	a	a	a
ы	ы	ы	ɨ	ɨ	ɨ
о	о	о	o	o	o
у	у	у	u	u	u
аь	аь, я	аь		ä	ä
уь, ӱ	уь	уь	ü	ü	ü
V̄		VV	Vː	V̄	Vː
къʹ(в), ... , гьʹ, VI	VI	VI	qI, ... , hI, VI	qI, ... , hI, VI	qˤ, ... , hˤ, Vˤ

Notes.

1. Plain voiceless stops and affricates are actually aspirated: pʰ tʰ čʰ and so on. Following common practice, we omit the sign ʰ and denote these as plain voiceless: p t č and so on.

2. Voiced stops and affricates become devoiced in the initial position (not always) and after a voiceless fricative (/sd/ > [st], always), see [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 342]. Following common practice (cf. Kibrik & Kodzasov's transcription or Cyrillic orthography), we do not reflect this non-phonological change, e.g., /sd/ is written as sd. An exception is /ɢ/, which is always realized as [q] or [qː] in the initial position at least in the Luchek dialect; we transcribe initial /ɢ-/ (Cyrillic {къ}, Kibrik & Kodzasov's {G}) as qː-.

3. Palatalization of velars and l is phonological in the final position in the Luchek dialect. In some dialects, consonants can also be automatically palatalized before front vowels; we do not note this in our transcription.

4. Pharyngealization is normally a segmental feature, which distinguishes between two series of uvular and laryngeal consonants (q - qˤ, ʁ - ʁˤ, ʔ - ʔˤ and so on). Adjacent vowels can also be pharyngealized, but we do not reflect this in the notation. If there are no uvulars/laryngeals in the phonetic word, we denote pharyngealization as ˤ after the first vowel. We also do not mark the initial glottal-stop [ʔ], which is automatic in vowel-initial forms. It seems, however, that in the Cyrillic notation of [Ibragimov 1978] and [Makhmudova 2001] initial {ъ} may denote not an automatic ʔ-, but h- (cf., e.g., the transcriptional fluctuation {ъадхыд} ~ {гьадхыд} for hadχ-ɨd 'high' in [Ibragimov 1978: 151]).

5. We do not mark stress, since the dialectal systems are not systematically described; furthermore, in many cases the place of stress seems to be synchronically predictable.

VII. Aghul (proper; Koshan; Keren; Gequn; Fite).

VII.1. General.

According to [Magometov 1970: 15; Shaumyan 1941: 12; Suleymanov 1993: 17 ff, 203] and other authors, the Aghul language can be divided in several dialects: 1) Koshan (sub-dialects of the villages Burshag, Arsug, Khudig); 2) Keren (sub-dialects of the villages Richa, Usug and some other); 3) Gequn (the village Gequn/Burkikhan); 4) Fite (the village Fit’e); 5) Aghul proper (sub-dialects of the villages Tpig, Tsirkhe, Duldug, Kurag, Yarkug, Khpyuk and some other). Tsirkhe and Khpyuk are sometimes regarded to be separate dialects.

Out of these, the Koshan dialect is the most detached. It is reported in [Suleymanov 2003: 4] that Koshan is not completely mutually intelligible with other Aghul dialects (as far as we can judge, due to phonetic differences rather than proper lexical divergence). The newborn literary Aghul language is based on the proper Aghul dialect (for the most part, on the sub-dialect of the village Tpig). The available lexicographical data is sufficient for the compiling of five lists: Koshan, Keren, Gequn, Fite, Proper Aghul.

For Koshan dialect (Burshag village), the main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (K&K’s siglum "АГБЩ"). The data from [Suleymanov 2003] are less reliable, particularly since the dictionary is generally "Tpig-oriented", the author does not discriminate between three sub-dialects of Koshan, and some specific Koshan phonemes (laryngeals and tense fricatives) are not always transcribed properly.

For Keren dialect (Richa village), the main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (K&K’s siglum "АГРИ").

For Gequn dialect (Gequn/Burkikhan village), the main lexicographic sources are [Dirr 1907] and [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (nominal forms only; K&K’s siglum "АГБХ").

For Fite dialect (Fit'e village), the main lexicographic source is [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990] (nominal forms only; K&K’s siglum "АГФИ"). Additional sources are [Shaumyan 1941; Magometov 1970; Suleymanov 1993].

For the proper Aghul dialect (Tpig village), the main lexicographic sources are [Suleymanov 2003] and [Shaumyan 1941] (some phonetically important Tpig forms are also quoted in [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990], K&K's siglum "АГТП"). Unfortunately, the dictionary [Ramazanov 2010] (ca. 5000 non-derived lexemes) is an unreliable source, containing a substantial number of incorrect semantic definitions, cases of incorrect phonetical or morphological analysis, or merely ghost words. One can suspect that [Ramazanov 2010] is based on the sub-dialect of the Kurag village (Proper Aghul dialect), which is the native idiom of the author, but in fact a number of specific terms of other dialects is also included in the dictionary - usually without any notes. Lexical data of the literary Aghul language (Proper Aghul dialect) as well as of the Koshan dialect are systematically quoted in [Comrie & Khalilov 2010], but we prefer not to use this source due to its general unreliability.

Relevant lexicographical information on specific sub-dialects from [Shaumyan 1941; Magometov 1970; Suleymanov 1993] is quoted in the notes. Grammatical information for various dialects has been taken from [Shaumyan 1941; Magometov 1970; Suleymanov 1993; Tarlanov 1994].

VII.2. Transliteration.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources (in [Shaumyan 1941], the diacritical ّ (shadda) can also be optionally used for tense consonants):

[Suleymanov 2003]	[Magometov 1970]	[Shaumyan 1941]	[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]	[NCED]	GLD
б	b	b	b	b	b
п	p	ϕ	p	p	p
пп	pǝ	p	p̄	p:	pː
пI	p̣	p̱	pʼ	ṗ	pʼ
ф	f	f	f	f	f
	fǝ	f	f̄	f:	fː
д	d	d	d	d	d
т	t	ɵ	t	t	t
тт	tǝ	t, τ	t̄	t:	tː
тI	ṭ	ṯ	tʼ	ṭ	tʼ
дз	ʒ	ď		ʒ	ʒ
ц	c	ɵ̇	c	c	c
цц	cǝ	τ̇	c̄	c:	cː
цI	c̣	ṫ	cʼ	c̣	cʼ
з	z	z	z	z	z
с	s	s	s	s	s
	sǝ	s	s̄	s:	sː
дж	ǯ	ḓ	ǯ	ǯ	ǯ
ч	č	ɵ̣	č	č	č
чч	čǝ	τ̣	č̄	č:	čː
чI	č̣	ṭ	čʼ	č̣	čʼ
джв	ǯ̊	ḓ̊	ʒ̊	ǯʷ	ǯʷ
чв	č̊	ɵ̣̊	c̊	čʷ	čʷ
чIв	č̣̊	ṭ̊	c̊ʼ	č̣ʷ	čʼʷ
ж	ž	ȷ	ž	ž	ž
ш	š	ш	š	š	š
	šǝ	ш	š̄	š:	šː
жв	ž̊			žʷ	žʷ
шв	š̊	ш̊	s̊	šʷ	šʷ
	šǝ̊	ш̊	s̊̄	š:ʷ	šːʷ
г	g	g	g	g	g
к	k	q	k	k	k
кк	kǝ	k, κ	k̄	k:	kː
кI	ḳ	ḵ	kʼ	ḳ	kʼ
хь	xʹ	χ	x	x	x
	xʹǝ	χ	x̄	x:	xː
хъ	q	q̣	q	q	q
къ	qǝ	κ̣	q̄	q:	qː
кь	q̣	k̇	qʼ	q̇	qʼ
гъ	ɣ	ǧ	R	ʁ	ʁ
х	x	q̇	X	χ	χ
	xǝ	q̇	X̄	χ:	χː
	ɣʹ	ع (ayin)	Ř	R̀	ʕ
	hǝ	ħ	x̌	X̀	ħ
I (ъʹ, ъʿ)	ω	ع (ayin)	ʡ	ʡ	ʡ
гI	hǝ, ɣʹ	ɣ, ع (ayin)	ʕ	ʕ	ʢ
хI	hǝ	ħ	H	ħ	ʜ
ъ	ʼ	ء (hamza)	ʔ	ʔ	ʔ
гь	h	h	h	h	h
м	m	m	m	m	m
н	n	n	n	n	n
р	r	r	r	r	r
л	l	l	l	l	l
в	w	w	w	v, w	w
й (ю, я, е)	j	y	j	j	y
Cв	C̊	C˳	C˳	Cʷ	Cʷ
ʼ			Cy	Ć	Cʸ
и	i	ı	i	i	i
е, э	e	e	e	e	e
а	a	a	a	a	a
аь	ä	ä	ä	ä	ä
у	u, u̇	u	u	u	u
уь	ü	ü	ü	ü	ü
ʿ	ʿ		qI, ... , VI	qI, ... , VI	qˤ, ... , Vˤ

Notes.

1. All the sources, except for [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988, 1990], provide rather inconsistent and unreliable transcriptions of Aghul. This concerns, among other things, pharyngealization, tense fricatives and especially laryngeal phonemes.

2. Some Aghul dialects display unique systems in which the pharyngeal fricatives ʕ ħ are phonemically opposed to the epiglottal fricatives ʢ ʜ. Such is the situation at least in the Burshag/Koshan [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 338], Richa/Keren [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 339] and Gequn [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 340] dialects. Thus, in these dialects the systems of laryngeals can include up to seven phonemes: ʕ - ħ, ʢ - ʜ, ʡ, ʔ - h. On the contrary, certain other Aghul dialects lack the opposition between pharyngeal and epiglottal fricatives: among these are the Fite dialect [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 340] and the Tpig and Khpyuk sub-dialects of Proper Aghul (T. Maisak, p.c.). Normally, for Lezgian languages, which lack such an opposition, we transcribe pharyngeal-epiglottal fricatives as pharyngeal ʕ ħ, although these are actually epiglottal ʢ ʜ (according to Kodzasov’s reports). For Aghul dialects like Fite or Tpig, however, we prefer to use epiglottal ʢ ʜ for the sake of compatibility within Aghul data.

3. The seven-partite system of laryngeal phonemes (ʕ - ħ, ʢ - ʜ, ʡ, ʔ - h) is properly described and transcribed only in [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988, 1990] (followed by [NCED]). All the other sources reduce it to a five- or three-way opposition. E.g., in the Cyrillic transcription of Koshan forms from [Suleymanov 2003], both pharyngeal & epiglottal voiced fricatives ʕ ʢ are noted as {гI}, both pharyngeal & epiglottal voiceless fricatives ħ ʜ are noted as {хI}. In some cases, when the form, containing a pharyngeal or epiglottal phoneme, comes from a source other than Kibrik & Kodzasov, we are forced to transcribe it with the symbol H, which denotes an unidentified laryngeal.

4. Note the absence of the automatic prothesis ʔ- in vowel-initial forms.

5. Plain voiceless stops and affricates are actually aspirated: pʰ tʰ čʰ and so on. Following common practice, we omit the sign ʰ and denote these as plain voiceless consonants: p t č and so on.

6. In all Aghul dialects we denote pharyngealization as ˤ after the first vowel or after the first uvular obstruent (if there is a uvular in the phonetic word).

7. "Woolly voice" - a specific pharyngealization-like prosodic feature of some Aghul dialects, which is described by Kodzasov as the constriction of the upper pharynx [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 319, 339] (Ṿ in Kodzasov’s transcription) - has not been studied in detail yet. We do not note it in our transcription.

8. We do not mark stress, since the dialectal systems are not systematically described; furthermore, the place of stress seems to be synchronically predictable [Magometov 1970: 19 ff.].

VIII. Tabasaran (Northern, Southern).

VIII.1. General.

According to [Magometov 1965: 14] and other authors, the Tabasaran language can be divided into two mutually intelligible dialects: Southern (or Nitrik) and Northern (or Suvak). As noted in [Alekseev & Shikhalieva 2003: 12, 15], it is possible to single out a third dialect: Eteg, which is close to Southern, but also demonstrates some Northern features; see the map in [Alekseev & Shikhalieva 2003: 12]. Literary Tabasaran (established in the 1920s) is based on the Southern dialect, although some grammar features - especially verbal class agreement - have been taken from Northern Tabasaran.

The available lexicographical data is sufficient for the compilation of two lists: Northern Tabasaran (the village Dyubek) and Southern Tabasaran (the village Kondik).

Northern Tabasaran (Dyubek): The main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988] and [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990], in which the sub-dialect of the village Dyubek (or Dyuvek) is described (K&K's siglum "ТАБД"). Additional sources are [Uslar 1979] and [Dirr 1905] - both volumes are based on the sub-dialect of the village Khanag and reflect the archaic language of the 2^nd half of the 19^th - early 20^th centuries. A lot of words from various Northern Tabasaran dialects are contained in [Genko 2005], especially concerning the systematically quoted Khyuryuk sub-dialect (Genko's siglum "Х."). Several Swadesh items are missing from the available Dyubek sources (e.g., 'all', 'human skin'); in such cases it does not seem risky to fill the slot with the corresponding term from the very close Khanag sub-dialect. Some forms and grammatical information of Northern Tabasaran have been taken from [Magometov 1965].

Southern Tabasaran (Kondik): The main lexicographic sources are [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988] and [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990], where the sub-dialect of the village Kondik (or Kandik) is described (K&K's siglum "ТАБК"). Additional sources, which describe the literary Tabasaran norm, are the dictionaries [Khanmagomedov & Shalbuzov 2001] and to a lesser degree [Khanmagomedov 1957], as well as several grammars: [Zhirkov 1948; Magometov 1965; Alekseev & Shikhalieva 2003]. An important source is the dictionary [Genko 2005], where the data of Khiv (without a specific siglum) and sporadically some other Southern sub-dialects are quoted. Several Swadesh items are missing from Kibrik & Kodzasov's volumes (e.g., 'all', 'human skin'); in such cases we fill the slot with the corresponding term from the close Khiv sub-dialect.

Lexical data of both Northern and Southern dialects of Tabasaran are systematically quoted in [Comrie & Khalilov 2010], but we prefer not to use this source due to its general unreliability.

VIII.2. Transliteration.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources (additionally, in [Genko 2005], labialization of velars and uvulars before the vowel a is denoted as {о} for some sub-dialects, e.g. {коа} for kʷa instead of the standard notation {ква}):

Modern literary alphabet, [Khanmagomedov & Shalbuzov 2001]	[Genko 2005]	[Magometov 1965]	[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1988; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]	[NCED]	GLD
б	б	b	b	b	b
п	п	p	p	p	p
пп	пп	pǝ	p̄	p:	pː
пI	пI	p̣	pʼ	ṗ	pʼ
ф	ф	f	f	f	f
	фф	fǝ	ff	f:	fː
д	д	d	d	d	d
т	т	t	t	t	t
тт	тт	tǝ	t̄	t:	tː
тI	тI	ṭ	tʼ	ṭ	tʼ
з	зз	ʒ	ʒ	ʒ	ʒ
ц	c	c	c	c	c
цц	cǝ	cǝ	c̄	c:	cː
цI	c̣	c̣	cʼ	c̣	cʼ
з	з	z	z	z	z
с	с	s	s	s	s
	сс	sǝ	ss	s:	sː
ж	жж	ǯ	ǯ	ǯ	ǯ
ч	ч	č	č	č	č
чч	чч	čǝ	č̄	č:	čː
чI	чI	č̣	čʼ	č̣	čʼ
ж	ж	ž	ž	ž	ž
ш, щ	ш, щ	š	š	š	š
	шш	šǝ	šš	š:	šː
жв	жъ, жь	ǯ̊	ʒ̊	ǯʷ	ǯʷ
чв	чв	č̊	c̊	čʷ	čʷ
ччв	ччв	č̊ǝ	c̄̊	č:ʷ	čːʷ
чIв	чъ, чь	č̣̊	c̊ʼ	č̣ʷ	čʼʷ
жв	жв	ž̊	z̊	žʷ	žʷ
шв	шв	š̊	s̊	šʷ	šʷ
	шшв	š̊ǝ	s̊s̊	š:ʷ	šːʷ
г	г	g	g	g	g
к	к	k	k	k	k
кк	кк	kǝ	k̄	k:	kː
кI	кI	ḳ	kʼ	ḳ	kʼ
гв	гв	g̊	g˳	gʷ	gʷ
кв	кв	k̊	k˳	kʷ	kʷ
ккв	ккв	k̊ǝ	k̄˳	k:ʷ	kːʷ
кIв	кIв	ḳ̊	kʼ˳	ḳʷ	kʼʷ
г	гг	gʿ	ǧ	ɣ	ɣ
хь	хь	xʹ	x	x	x
	ххь	xʹǝ		x:	xː
		ᵷ	G	G	ɢ
хъ	хъ	q	q	q	q
къ	къ, къкъ, ккъ	qǝ	q̄	q:	qː
кь	кь	q̣	qʼ	q̇	qʼ
		ᵷw	G˳	Gʷ	ɢʷ
хъв	хъв	qw	q˳	qʷ	qʷ
къв	къв	qǝw	q̄˳	q:ʷ	qːʷ
кьв	кьв	q̣w	qʼ˳	q̇ʷ	qʼʷ
гъ	гъ	ɣ	R	ʁ	ʁ
х	х	x	X	χ	χ
	xx	xǝ		χ:	χː
гъв	гъв	ɣw	R˳	ʁʷ	ʁʷ
хв	хв	xw	X˳	χʷ	χʷ
	xxв	xǝw		χ:ʷ	χːʷ
		ω			ʕ
		hǝ			ħ
ъ, ʼ	ъ	ʼ	ʔ	ʔ	ʔ
гь	гь	h	h	h	h
м	м	m	m	m	m
н	н	n	n	n	n
р	р	r	r	r	r
л	л	l	l	l	l
в, ʼв	в	w	w	v, w	w
й (ю, я, е)	й (ю, я, е)	j	j	j	y
	CC		CC	CC, C:	Cː
и	и	i	i	i	i
е, э	е, э	e	e	e	e
а	а	a	a	a	a
	о				o
у	у	u	u	u	u
уь	уь	ü	ü	ü	ü
	VV		V:	V̄	Vː
аь (я), уь (ю)	аь (я), уь (ю)	ä, u̇	qI, ... , VI	qI, ... , VI	qˤ, ... , Vˤ
V́	V́	V	V́		ˈV
			V̭		V̥

Notes.

1. Plain voiceless stops and affricates are actually aspirated: pʰ tʰ čʰ and so on. Following common practice, we omit the sign ʰ and denote these as plain voiceless: p t č and so on.

2. In Northern Tabasaran (at least in Dyubek), voiced stops and affricates (b, d, ʒ and so on) become facultatively devoiced in the initial position and obligatorily devoiced after a voiceless fricative (e.g., /sd/ > [st]), see [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 336]. Following common practice (cf. Kibrik & Kodzasov's transcription or Cyrillic orthography), we do not reflect this non-phonological change, e.g., /sd/ is written as sd.

3. In Southern Tabasaran, consonants become palatalized before or after front vowels [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 337; Alekseev & Shikhalieva 2003: 30]. We do not note this automatic process.

4. Labialized sibilant affricates & fricatives possess specific compressed labio-dental coarticulation. The main focus can be either alveolar or postalveolar depending on the dialect, particularly alveolar cʷ, sʷ, etc. in Dyubek (Northern Tabasaran) and postalveolar čʷ, šʷ in Kondik and Khiv (Southern Tabasaran). See [Kodzasov & Muravyeva 1982: 7] for detail. Nevertheless, following common practice, we denote them as postalveolar čʷ, šʷ and so on for all Tabasaran dialects.

5. The glottal-stop (ʔ) is an automatic prothesis in the case of vocalic onset; we do not note it in our transcription.

6. Pharyngealization (a word-prosodic feature) occurs only in the syllables with back vowels: a and u [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 337]. We denote pharyngealization as ˤ after a first vowel a or u or after a uvular/laryngeal (if there is a uvular/laryngeal in the phonetic word). Pharyngealized vowels aˤ and uˤ are actually fronted: aˤ = [äˤ], uˤ = [öˤ], but we do not note this automatic feature.

7. In Southern Tabasaran (at least in Kondik), close vowels (i, ü, u) of the non-final syllable become devoiced (i̥, ü̥, u̥) in two positions: (1) after plain voiceless (i.e. aspirated) stops/affricates; (2) after voiceless fricatives, which originate from the lax series (note that after voiceless fricatives, which originate from the tense series, vowels remain voiced). This effect is noted only in Kodzasov's transcription of Kondik, see [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 337 f.]. Actually, neither of the aforementioned rules are absolute; the exact positions of vowel devoicing require additional investigation.

IX. Lezgi (Gyune).

IX.1. General.

According to [Meylanova 1964: 43, 45 f.; Haspelmath 1993: 20 ff.] and other authors, the Lezgi (Lezghi) language can be divided into three main dialectal groups:
- Kyuri (Küre) group, consisting of the Gyune (Güne), Yarki, Qurah dialects (each of these is divided into specific sub-dialects), as well as of the Giliar and Gelkhen dialects, which possess some features of the Samur group;
- Samur (Axceh) group, consisting of the Akhty and Doquzpara dialects (each of these is divided into specific sub-dialects), as well as of the Fiy, Jaba and Qurush dialects, which are sometimes labeled as "mixed";
- Quba (Kuba), consisting of Quba proper, Kuzun, Yargun and some other dialects.

It must be noted that Lezgi dialectological research is still in progress, and not all known Lezgi dialects are listed above. The Literary Lezgi language is based on the Gyune dialect (for the most part on the Magaramkent sub-dialect) of the Kyuri group.

Despite the great number of Lezgi-speaking people, the relatively high sociolinguistic status of the language, its wide geographic distribution and dialectal diversity, the lexicographic description of Lezgi is modest. The available data are sufficient for compiling just one list for the Mamrach/Mamrash sub-dialect of the Gyune dialect (Kyuri dialectal group), described in [Uslar 1896]. Actually, it is stated in [Meylanova 1964: 34] that the Mamrash sub-dialect is somewhat transitional between Gyune and Yarki dialects (Gyune and Yarki, however, are quite close to each other).

Literary Lezgi (Gyune dialect) is very close to Uslar’s data; therefore, we prefer to quote literary forms in the notes rather than compile an individual list. The basic lexicographic sources for Literary Lezgi are [Talibov & Gadzhiev 1966; Gadzhiev 1950] as well as [Gyulmagomedov 2004] and [Gadzhiev 1956]. Additionally, we refer to the glossary in [Haspelmath 1993]. Another important source is the Literary Lezgi corpus [Ganenkov 2011]. Grammatical information has been taken from [Gaydarov et al. 2009; Alekseev & Sheykhov 1997; Haspelmath 1993].
As for other Lezgi dialects, only the data on nouns of the Akhty dialect (Khlyut sub-dialect) of the Samur group have been systematically recorded and published in the dictionary [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]. We quote Akhty as well as some scattered forms from other dialects in the notes.

Lexical data of the Literary Lezgi language as well as of the Kuba (proper) dialect and the Mikrakh subdialect of the Doquzpara dialect are systematically quoted in [Comrie & Khalilov 2010], but we prefer not to use this source due to its general unreliability.

It must be pointed out that, despite dialectal diversity, the Lezgi language appears to be rather homogenous lexicostatistically. E.g., there are only two unmatched items between Uslar’s dialect and the literary language (‘earth’, ‘feather’) - both idioms belong to the Kyuri dialectal group. Comparison with the available nominal forms of the Akhty dialect (Samur group) yields three additional mismatches: ‘cold’, ‘leaf’, ‘rain’.

IX.2. Transliteration.

The following transliterational chart covers our principal sources:

Modern literary alphabet	[Haspelmath 1993]	[Uslar 1896]	[Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990]	[NCED]	GLD
б	b	б	b	b	b
п	p, /pʰ/	п	p	p	p
п, [пп]	p, /p/	п́	p̃	p:	pː
пI	pʼ	пˌ	pʼ	ṗ	pʼ
ф	f	ф		f	f
д	d	д	d	d	d
т	t, /tʰ/	т	t	t	t
т, [тт]	t, /t/	τ	t̃	t:	tː
тI	tʼ	тˌ	tʼ	ṭ	tʼ
		ʒ			ʒ
ц	c, /ʦʰ/	წˉ	c	c	c
ц, [цц]	c, /ʦ/	ц	c̃	c:	cː
цI	cʼ	წ	cʼ	c̣	cʼ
з	z	з	z	z	z
с	s	с	s	s	s
		ђ			ǯ
ч	č, /ʧʰ/	ч	č	č	č
ч, [чч]	č, /ʧ/	ч́	č̃	č:	čː
чI	čʼ	ჭ	čʼ	č̣	čʼ
ж	ž	ж	ž	ž	ž
ш	š	ш	š	š	š
г	g	г	g	g	g
к	k, /k/	ќ	k	k	k
к, [кк]	k, /kʰ/	к	k̃	k:	kː
кI	kʼ	кˌ	kʼ	ḳ	kʼ
		г̃			ɣ
хь	x̂	h̆, h̃	x	x	x
(къг)					ɢ
хъ	qʰ	ƙ	q	q	q
къ	q̃	к̃	q̃	q:	qː
кь	qʼ	q	qʼ	q̇	qʼ
гъ	ǧ	ƨˌ	R	ʁ	ʁ
х	x	х	X	χ	χ
		ҕ	ʕ	ʕ	ʕ
		ҕ	H	ħ	ħ
ъ	ʔ	ʼ	ʔ	ʔ	ʔ
гь	h	h	h	h	h
м	m	м	m	m	m
н	n	н	n	n	n
р	r	р	r	r	r
л	l	л	l	l	l
в	w	в, w	w	w, v	w
й (ю, я, е)	j	j	j	j	y
Cв	Cw	Cw	C˳	Cʷ	Cʷ
Cи	/Cʲ/	Cи	Cy	Ć	Cʸ
			C̭		C̥
и	i	i	i	i	i
е, э	e	e	e	e	e
а	a	а	a	a	a
аь, я	ä	æ	ä	ä	ä
ы			ɨ	ɨ	ɨ
о		о	o	o	o
у	u	у	u	u	u
уь, ю	ü	у̇	ü	ü	ü
	V́, ˈCV	V	V́		ˈV

Notes.

1. Obstruent stops and affricates are arranged in four series: voiced [d] / plain voiceless [t] / voiceless aspirated [tʰ] / voiceless ejective [tʼ]. This is the situation for at least the modern Gyune dialect (Literary Lezgi) and the Khlyut sub-dialect of the Samur dialectal group (see [Haspelmath 1993: 2; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 341]). The plain voiceless series [t] originates from old tense obstruents (*tː). According to [Uslar 1896: 12 ff.], however, in the Gyune dialect of the 19^th century the plain voiceless series (modern [t]) was pronounced as tense [t͈] or [tː], whereas the voiceless aspirated series (modern [tʰ]) possessed weak aspiration, similar to the Russian voiceless sounds like [t]. For this reason, as well as for the sake of general compatibility within Lezgian data, we prefer to transcribe the plain voiceless series [t] as tense (i.e. tː) and voiceless aspirated [tʰ] as plain (i.e. t).

2. The only sources that systematically discriminate between aspirated (t) and non-aspirated (tː) voiceless series, are [Uslar 1896; Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990; Meylanova 1964] and the glossary in [Haspelmath 1993]. In modern Cyrillic orthography, both series are denoted with the corresponding Russian letters for voiceless phonemes, i.e. both t and tː are written as {т}. In the case of homographs, the tense series can be written with the doubled Cyrillic letter in dictionaries and other grammatical or educational publications, e.g., tar {тар} ‘a k. of musical instrument’, but tːar {ттар} ‘tree’. In the same cases, in [Gyulmagomedov 2004] the aspirated series can be transcribed as either {т} or {тh}.

3. Note that the automatic prothesis ʔ- in vowel-initial forms is apparently absent (at least in main dialects).

4. At least in the Khlyut sub-dialect of the Samur dialectal group, ä is actually pharyngealized [äˤ] in all positions. In the same sub-dialect a is realized as [o] after w or Cʷ; likewise, e is realized as [ö] after Cʷ. See [Kibrik & Kodzasov 1990: 342].

X. Proto-Lezgian

X.1. General.

The only systematic published reconstruction of the Proto-Lezgian phonological system and etymological corpus belongs to Sergei Starostin, although, of course, the reconstruction acknowledges its debt to previous research, conducted by such Caucasologists as Nikolai Troubetzkoy, M. E. Alekseev, E. A. Bokarev, B. K. Gigineyshvili, B. B. Talibov et alii (see the overview of Proto-Lezgian studies in [Alekseev 1985: 8 ff.]). S. Starostin’s reconstruction was included in [NCED] and published electronically as Lezgian Etymological Database [LEDb] on the StarLing database server (Starostin’s full manuscript Lezgian Historical Phonology still remains unpublished, but its abbreviated version has appeared in [NCED: 122-179]). It must be noted that [LEDb] only includes those Proto-Lezgian morphemes for which external North Caucasian etymology has been proposed by the authors of [NCED], and the Swadesh words of individual languages (even if these lack external North Caucasian comparanda).

In reconstructing the Swadesh wordlist for Proto-Lezgian, we generally follow [NCED] and [LEDb], although in some cases we revise and, occasionally, even reject Starostin's specific etymologies (this mostly has to do with new Lezgian data that have been published since the mid-1990s).

Database compiled and annotated by:

Udi (Nidzh), Udi (Vartashen): A. Kassian, November 2011 (we are thankful to the UdiLang Project [http://udilang.narod.ru/index.html] team - T. Maisak, Dm. Ganenkov, Yu. Lander [all Moscow] - for a number of valuable remarks on Udi data). Updated January & March 2012 (some minor corrections concerning Azerbaijani and Iranian data);
Archi: A. Kassian, November 2011;
Kryts (proper), Kryts (Alyk): A. Kassian, December 2011;
Budukh: A. Kassian, January 2012. Updated February 2012 (words for 'bark', 'fingernail', 'sand', 'to swim' have been added - all borrowed);
Tsakhur (Mishlesh, Mikik, Gelmets): A. Kassian, February 2012.
Rutul (Mukhad, Ixrek, Luchek): A. Kassian, March 2012.
Aghul (Koshan, Keren, Gequn, Fite, proper Aghul): A. Kassian, April 2012.
Tabasaran (Northern, Southern): A. Kassian, May 2012.
Lezgi (Gyune): A. Kassian, June 2012.
Proto-Lezgian: A. Kassian, October 2012.