ṭǝḥōlā may be a Hebraism

    On the loss of -l in HAR see [ibid. 5]

    Cf. ṭɔlḥ 'blood and discharge with an afterbirth, diarrhoea' [ibid.]

    Note a presumably derived (if not contaminated) verb in ARB ṭḥl 'étre trouble, sale, couleur de la rate; étre gâté et sentir mauvais, et étre remplit de fange qui sent mauvais (se dit d'une eau croupissante)' [BK 2 61] and what looks a strikingly similar semantic development (from *ṭu/alḥīm- 'spleen') in ARB ṭulḥūm- 'aqua corrupta et foetens' [Fraytag III 63] (cf. also a variant root ṭalh_- 'eau fangeuse, rempli de vermine et qui n'est pas potable' [BK 2 95]) and TGR ṭǝlḥam 'disease of cattle (poisoning caused by grass or by water on the place of a fire or a forest)' [LH 607]. This parallelism, however, is problematic not only because *ṭu/alḥīm- 'spleen' is retained neither in ARB nor in TGR, but also because the very meaning shift 'spleen' > 'putrid water' is not easy to explain.

    [Brock 272]: SYR, JUD, HBR PB, ARB; [AHw 1394]: HBR PB, JUD, ARB; [LGur 616]: GUR, ARB

    Abdokov's (1982, 83) attempt to compare this root with WC *c̣ʷA 'liver' should be regarded as unsuccessful (for phonetic reasons, and because of a better etymology for the WC form, q.v.).

    As for Andian languages, the simple root *riƛ̣V is reflected only in Botl. (where rehi-n < *reʔi-n < *riƛ̣i-n with a suffixed -n) and Kar. Tok. relʔi-r (with suffixed -r). All other forms go back to a compound *riƛ̣a-jiƛ:i (see *riƛ:i for etymology of the second part). Cf. also Bagv. Tlis. releƛ, Akhv. Tseg. riṭajiƛ:i, Tlan. ruṭeƛ:i, Ratl. riƛ̣ajƛ:i, Cham. Gig. relaƛ etc.

    See Бокарев 1961, 60; Лексика 1971, 122; Гигинейшвили 1977, 104.