Бурушаски этимология : Выводить со всеми ссылками

Обще-бурушаскская форма: *bas

Синокавказская этимология: Синокавказская этимология

Значение: wooden plough

Ясин: bas

Хунза: bas

Нагар: bas

Сино-кавказская этимология :

Прасинокавказский: *[p]V́rcĔ

Значение: plough

Севернокавказский: *pVrVc_Ĕ

Бурушаски: *bas

Севернокавказская этимология :

PROTO: *pVrVc_Ĕ

PRNUM: PRNUM

MEANING: wooden plough

AAND: *pirVc:V

ABAD: *pǝźa

COMMENT: A typical "culture word". Although similar words are widely spread in the Caucasus and nearby regions, only the Av.-And. and WC forms can be regarded as genuine. The Tsezian forms (Tsez. birus, Gunz. bǝrus, Bezht. boʔos, Khvarsh., Inkh. buruc; note that Av. Chad. burúš, because of its phonetic structure, is most probably a back-loan from Tsezian languages) are more or less recent loans from Av.-And. languages; the Av. word is also borrowed in Kum. purus. There is also a number of quite enigmatic forms: Bagv. Tlond. perec̣:, Ud. penec: 'plough' which are probably also borrowed, but the source is not clear. We should also mention Lezg. bazu "pole of the plough", obviously connected with Az. bazɨ id., but without a certain etymology (cf. the WC forms).

Аваро-андийская этимология :

Праформа: *pirVc:V

СК этимология: СК этимология

Значение: wooden plough

Аварский: purúc:

Андийский: rebc:u

Ахвахский: ʕebec:e

Чамалинский: bijaca

Тиндинский: bec:i

Каратинский: bec:e

Багвалинский: perc

Комментарии: Av. paradigm C (purc:í-l, púrc:a-l). In And. the form is metathesized (probably under influence of another PA root, *ric:i q.v.). On the laryngeal in the Akhv. form see under *Hrājc_ū. Several languages reveal secondary (dissimilative) voicing *p- > b-. Cf. also Kar. Tok. peric:.

Абхазо-адыгская этимология :

Празападнокавказский: *pǝźa

Севернокавказская этимология: Севернокавказская этимология

Значение: ploughshare

Абхазский: a-pǝ́za

Абазинский: pǝza

Адыгейский: cʷā-bza

Кабардинский: vā-bʒa

Убыхский: cʷā-bźá

Комментарии: PAT *pǝza (cf. also Bzyb. a-pǝ́za); PAK *cʷa-bʒá.

The first part of the Adygh and Ub. compound, despite Shagirov 1977, 104-105, is connected neither with PWC *c:ʷǝ 'ox' (q.v.) nor with PWC *zʷa 'to plough' (q.v.), but reflects a separate PWC root (see under *Hrājc_ū). Again, pace Shagirov ibid., since the correspondence between Abkh. and Ad. here is quite obvious, it is impossible to connect the second part of the compound with PAK *bzǝ 'to cut' (q.v.). Finally, since Ub. has a palatal ź, the Ub. form (again despite Shagirov ibid.) can not be regarded as an Adygh loanword. The correspondence between PAK *-bʒa, PAT *pǝza and Ub. -bźa is quite regular.