Two basic original forms must be reconstructed as *u_-ɨ̆ć_ĭ(jV) 'brother' (with frequent further development > *ć_wɨ̆jV or *ć_wĭjV; exactly this form is reflected, e.g., in PL and PWC), and *j-ɨ̆ć_ĭ(jV) 'sister' (sometimes with a similar contraction > *ć_ĭjV). The arisal of the new feminine class prefix *r- in the Eastern area led to a new formation *r-ɨ̆ć_ĭ(jV) 'sister', reflected in Darg., Khin. and part of Lezghian languages.

    See Trubetzkoy 1930, 278, Rogava 1956, Balkarov 1969, Shagirov 1, Abdokov 1983, 87. Despite Charaya 1912 and Yakovlev 1941, Kartvelian words for 'brother' (Megr. ǯima, Georg. ʒma) and 'son' (šwili) have nothing to do with PNC *=ɨ̆ć_ĭ.

    The oblique stem of the word is well reconstructable for PTs as *ʔɨs:-ṭi-: Inkh. ɨsṭi-, Bezht. isṭi-, Gunz. ɨsṭi-.

    The most archaic form for 'brother' is Ud. wiči < *u_-Včɨj ( = PA *woc:i, PN *wašo etc.). Other Lezghian languages normally reflect a contracted form *čʷɨj. The Shakhdagh and Archi forms reflect a suffixed form *čʷɨj-t:V-u_ (for Archi more suitable is possibly a protoform with a double 1st class marker: *u_-Včɨ-t:V-u_ > uš-du). It is interesting to note a specific reduplicated oblique stem in Tab. and Ag.: Tab. č̌ič:̌i-, Ag. čuč:u- (Fit. k:ük:ü, Burk. č:uč:u-), which is reflected also (already as direct) in Tsakh. čoǯ / čož. For 'sister' some Lezghian languages reflect a prefixed stem *r-ɨčɨj ( = PD *ruc:i, Khin. rɨcɨ), thus Rut. riši, Tsakh. jučɨ / jiči, Arch. doš-dur ( < *r-ɨčɨ-t:V-r, with a double class marker as in 'brother'). Most languages, however, reflect a prefixless stem *čɨj (or, with secondary adjectival suffixation, *čɨj-t:V-r, as Kryz., Bud. šidɨr). The Udi form χun-či is a compound with χun(i) 'female). Again, Tab. and Ag. have a reduplicated oblique base: Tab. čič:u-, Ag. čič:i-.

    See Бокарев 1961, 70; Лексика 1971, 128, 133; Гигинейшвили 1977, 95.

    PAT *aš́a 'brother' should be kept separate and traced back (together with Ub. -ʎa) to another PWC root, *ʎ́a q.v.