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Sino-Caucasian etymology :
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Proto-Sino-Caucasian: =V́mƛV
Meaning: night, evening
Comments and references : PNC *rVmƛ_Ă (*r=Vmƛ_Ă) and Bsq *barda (< *b=arda) represent the same stem with different class prefixes Etymological comparison suggested by John Bengtson.
sccet-meaning,sccet-cauc,sccet-basq,sccet-notes,
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North Caucasian etymology :
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Proto-North Caucasian: *rVmƛ_Ă
Meaning: night, evening
Proto-West Caucasian: *Łʷa Notes: It seems interesting to compare directly PN *(p)sa-lχEna and PWC *š́ʷǝ-Łʷa which may reflect one and the same compound *śwĔrV-rVmŁ_Ă. There are, however, some obscure points concerning both phonetic reconstruction and the semantic side here. The isogloss between Av. noƛ: and PD *duk:i is rather straightforward (although it does not allow to make a precise vocalic reconstruction); in WC and Nakh languages the root is used only in compounds, which of course obscures many phonetic details. [In fact, in PN there may have occurred a confusion of two EC roots: *rVmƛ_Ă 'night, evening' and *ƛăjV 'day, day-time' q.v.].
caucet-meaning,caucet-nakh,caucet-aand,caucet-darg,caucet-abad,caucet-comment,
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Nakh etymology :
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Proto-Nakh: *-lχa-na
Meaning: yesterday
Chechen: selχana
Ingush: selχan
Comments: PN *(p)sa-lχEna is opposed to *si-psara 'yesterday night', so the component *-lχEna means either 'day' or 'yesterday' (in general). -lχE- here may be contracted from *dVlχE-, which would be a regular correspondence for Av. noƛ: and Darg. *duk:i / *dak:. The etymology of *(p)sa- ( < *(p)sarV-) see under *śwĔrV. In PN there also exists a root *tχa 'today' (Chech. taχa-na, Ing. taχa-n 'today' as a secondary development < *tχa-na, Chech. tχo-wsa, Ing. tχowsara 'tonight', Bacb. tχa 'today', tχa-bus 'yesterday night' [ = Chech. tχowsa], tχujnŏ 'in the daytime'). This may well be an early development < *lχa (cf. an analogous phenomenon in the 1st p. pl. pronoun *tχo).
nakhet-prnum,nakhet-meaning,nakhet-che,nakhet-ing,nakhet-comment,
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Avar-Andian etymology :
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Protoform: *nVƛ:V
Meaning: yesterday evening, yesterday night
Avar: noƛ:
aandet-prnum,aandet-meaning,aandet-ava,
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Dargwa etymology :
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Proto-Dargwa: *duk:i
Meaning: night
Akusha: dugi
Chiragh: duč:e
Comments: Cf. also Ur. dugi, Tsud., Kait. duč:i, Kub. duč:e etc. With Ablaut cf. also Ak. dag < *dak: 'yesterday (night)'.
darget-prnum,darget-meaning,darget-drg,darget-chr,darget-comment,
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Abkhaz-Adyghe etymology :
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Proto-West-Caucasian: *š́ʷǝ-Łʷa (~*śʷ-)
Meaning: 1 night 2 evening
Adyghe: -śħ 2
Kabardian: -śħa 2
Ubykh: šʷǝwá 1
Comments: The AK root is attested within the compound *pćǝħá-śħa 'evening' (Ad. pč́ǝħā-śħ, Kab. pśǝħa-śħa), where the first component by itself means probably 'dusk; sunset/sunrise' (see *bǝćʷǝ). Despite Shagirov (2, 27) the component śħa here means 'evening' by itself and has nothing to do with PAK *śħa 'head'. The correspondence PAK *śħa = Ub. šʷǝwá is exact and points unambiguously to PWC *śʷǝ-Łʷa. This stem itself is probably an old compound, with probable external parallels for both parts).
abadet-prnum,abadet-meaning,abadet-adg,abadet-kab,abadet-ubk,abadet-comment,
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Basque etymology :
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Proto-Basque: *barda < *b=arda
Meaning: 1 last night 2 night before last
Araban: bart 1
Bizkaian: bart 1, (Oñate) berdantza 2
Gipuzkoan: bart 1, (Andoain, Donibane) berdantza 2, (Donibane) berdantzat 2
High Navarrese: bart 1, berdantza 2, (Irun) berdantzat 2
Low Navarrese: barda 1
Lapurdian: barda 1
Zuberoan: barda 1
Roncalese: barda 1
Comments: Cf. PNC *r=Vmƛ_Ă 'night, evening', with a different fossilized class prefix in Bsq, corresponding to *b=Vmƛ_Ă.
basqet-prnum,basqet-meaning,basqet-arb,basqet-bzk,basqet-gip,basqet-anv,basqet-bnv,basqet-lab,basqet-zbr,basqet-rnc,basqet-comments,
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