PAT *ć̣a-rV 'sharp' (cf. also Bzyb. á-ć̣ar); the same root (without the suffix) is present in PAT *pǝ-nǝ-ć̣a 'nose' (q.v.) - a compound, except for the linking morpheme *-nǝ-, identical to Ub. fa-ć̣á and PAK *pá-ṗc̣a (the first component see under *pʷV). The PAT *pǝnǝć̣a 'nose' is compared (by Shagirov 1972, Abdokov 1973) with Kab. panc̣ǝv 'tip of the nose'. Absence of this form in Ad., however, speaks rather in favour of this form's being borrowed from Abaz. (Ashkh.) pǝnc̣ǝžʷ 'nostril(s)' - which can be probably analyzed as pǝnc̣a 'nose' + -žʷ 'expressive suffix'. This seems to us more probable than Shagirov's (1977) analysis of pǝnc̣ǝv as pǝ 'nose' + c̣ǝv 'beetle' (?). The WC compound form *pʷV(nǝ)-ć̣a spread also to the neighbour languages: Georg. ṗinčwi, Arm. ṗinǯ / ṗinč 'nostril', Osset. fɨnʒ / fɨnʒ(ä) 'nose, tip' (see Abayev 1958; Abayev lists also Megr. ṗiǯi 'mouth' - which, according to Klimov 1963, does not belong here and descends from PK *ṗir- 'edge'. On the contrary, Klimov (1963) considers the Armenian form to be a megrelism which is hardly possible; he does not list the Georgian form).