Number: 2658
Proto-Semitic: *baɣ/ḳl-
Meaning: mule
Arabic: baɣl-, fem. baɣal-at- 'mule' [BK 1 146], [LA XI 60], baɣɣāl- 'mule, mulet' [ibid.]. // See [Hommel 112-7] (the Eth. origin for the Arb. term is advocated).
Epigraphic South Arabian: Sab. bɣl 'mule' [SD 27]. // Hapax in R 4146/5: hḳnyw ... bɣlm lbɣlh[mw] 'they dedicated ... [a statuette of a] mule for their mule' (see [Sima 40-2]).
Geʕez (Ethiopian): baḳl 'mule' [LGz. 101].
Tigre: bäḳäl 'mule' [LH 285].
Tigrai (Tigriñña): bäḳli 'mulo' [Bass. 323].
Amharic: bäḳlo 'mule' [K 907].
Harari: bäḳäl 'mule' [LHar. 43].
Gurage: Sel. Wol. boḳlo, Wol. boʔolo, Zwy. boḳolu, Sod. Gog. bǝč̣ǝl, Muh. bǝʔurä, buʔurä, bǝʔuwä, Msq. bʷäḳla, Gog. bʷäʔla, Eža buḳʷrä, End. baḳura, Gyt. Enm. buḳurä 'mule' [LGur. 128].
Mehri: baɣlēt 'Maultier' [Müller Harsūsi 53] (apud Hein).
Harsusi: beɣelēt 'mule' [JH 16].
Notes: In South Semitic area only, Common Semitic status is unlikely (Syr. baglā 'mulus' [Brock. 58], [PS 446] and bagal 'mule' [DM 46] are doubtless Arabic loans). Eth. -ḳ- vs. Arabian -ɣ- requires an explanation. According to the most widespread opinion, the Arabian words were borrowed from Geez (v. e.g. [Hommel 112ff.], [Nöldeke WB 58], [Jeffery 82]), which is not convincing phonologically. It would be tempting to suggest a borrowing from Tna. where -ḳ- > -x̣- (articulated very close to ɣ), but this would lead to date the spirantization of velars in this language already to the first century C.E. (to which the Sab. inscription mentioned above is dated by Sima), which does not look very likely. Sima's arguments in favour of an Arabic (Arabian?) loan in Eth. ([Sima 41]) deserve attention. // [DRS 79]: Arm. (baglā), Arb., Sab., Eth.; [LGz. 101]: Gez., Eth., Sab., Arb. (probably not a loanword), Syr. baḳlā (an Arabism; an error for baglā?); [Sima 40]: Sab., Arb., ESA, Gez.
