Comments:EDT 421-422, 423, VEWT 98, D-T 97. At least part of the forms may ultimately have a Chinese source (MC ʒ̣ạ̈m 'slander'). Cf. also čaman 'lazy horse, dog'; Tur. čamura jat- 'to decline from paying a debt' (slang; lit. 'to lie down in dirt' - perhaps a reanalysis based on the analogy with čamur 'dirt', cf. also čamur (metaph.) 'low, humble').
Comments:VEWT 97. Dmitrieva (Дмитриева 1979, 205) derives the Oghuz word for 'fir-tree' from Arab. šam 'candle', which is dubious phonetically and unlikely because of the Khak. and Shor forms (pointing to *čamal); more probably an original Turkic root, although localized.
Chuvash:śan-/śavъn-talъk 'weather, climate' (Федотов 2 84-85; the second part = Tat. täwlek 'day, 24 hours')
Bashkir:šaŋdaq 'glow in the sky (from celestial phenomena or from fire)', dial. saŋɣärt 'марево'
Comments:ДТС 139, Лексика 35, 36. A somewhat dubious root. The words meaning 'mist' may go back to a separate root, PT *čeŋ 'dust'. Other forms (including the late OT one) can be < Mong., but semantics is rather against assuming such a loan.
Meaning:1 to beat, hit 2 to attack, rob 3 chisel 4 hack, hoe, hatchet 5 to chop 6 to scythe, mow 7 to dig 8 to break 9 sharp 10 scythe 11 to whet, sharpen (a scythe) 12 metal shavings after forging 13 trap 14 whetstone for sharpening scythes 15 to whip 16 to hack, adze 17 shavings 18 booty 19 currycomb
Comments:VEWT 99, EDT 396, TMN 3, 47, Аникин 643. Several derivations are clearly distinguishable: a) *čap-gut 'upper clothes, garment' (with later development > 'used clothes'); b) *čap-rak 'bedding under the saddle'; c) *čap-an 'cloak, gown'; d) *čap-gu 'lap, gusset' - all clearly related to each other.
Karakalpak:šapšaq 'wooden vessel for shaking up milk'
Kumyk:čapčaq 1
Comments:VEWT 99, ДТС 153, Егоров 223,Федотов 2, 148-149. Forms with -u- in the second syllable demonstrate vowel assimilation (čopu- < *čapu-). External parallels strongly suggest that the word is not derived from *čap- 'hit', but is an original noun.
Bashkir:säbärt- 'to appear (of rash on lips)', sɨbar 1
Balkar:čapɨr- 3, čubar 1
Gagauz:čɨbar- 3
Karaim:čɨbar, cɨbar 1
Karakalpak:šubar 1
Kumyk:čapɨr- 3, čopur 1, čubar 'variegated'
Comments:VEWT 116, 118-119, Егоров 320, Федотов 2, 403. An expressive and late attested root; appears, however, to be reconstructable for PT. The original shape is probably *čap- (preserved in čap-ɨr- 'to appear (of rash)', with further labial assimilation into *čopur. The frequently attested variant čupar > čubar is most probably a result of contamination *čopur and *čubar (reflected in Tat. čuwar, Kirgh. čār that can only reflect *-b-).
Comments:Лексика 29, 35. The derivative *čar-s is somewhat peculiar morphologically and could be a loanword - from the (unattested) Mong. *čar-su(n) (?). {Oyr. čarɨm was removed from this etymology, but probably unjustly: the Komi source ćare̮m 'snow crust', as well as ćars id. are much better explained as borrowed from Turkic than vice versa. The form is traced back to Ur. *śarV in UEW 464, but the consonantism is quite irregular; other parallels proposed by Helimsky are Saam. čarava - with irregular vocalism - and Selk. č́ɔ̄rpɨ, closely resembling Tofalar čarpɨŋ. A complicated case, but explanation of the existing scattered Uralic forms from Turkic is at least not preferable to vice versa.}
Comments:VEWT 99-100, Егоров 221, Федотов 2, 143 (borrowing < FU *śorva 'horn' is hardly credible). Bulg. > Hung. sarló 'sickle', see Gombocz 1912, MNyTESz 3, 494-495. The root is certainly genuine, although some influence of the Iranian čarɨk, čarx 'wheel' could have existed.
Comments:The word is poorly attested (almost only in some modern Oghuz languages and Chag., see VEWT 95, Лексика 94; the Yakut parallel is phonetically unclear - borrowed from Tuva or Altai?). Turk. *čāj-ka (Turkm. čǟge, Chag. čeke) > Kalm. cekɛ̄ (KW 426). The forms (despite semantic difference) may have an Iranian origin: Pers. (Pekhl.) čāh 'well, spring' < *čāɵa > Av. čāta, Kurd. čāl, Bel. čāt, Osset. čad 'lake', Wakhi čot 'pond' (Horn 97, Аб. 1, 285, 329, Расторгуева 1990, 191, ЭСВЯ 130); a certain Persian loan is Khal. čā 'Brunnen, Grube'. Osset. č'aj 'well' is regarded by Abaev as a borrowing from Pers. through Georgian (č̣a 'well'). The relationship to the verbal stem čāj- 'to swill' (ОСНЯ 3, 59-60) ( < 'wash water off from the surface'?) is yet to be determined.
Comments:VEWT 102, EDT 400-401, Лексика 120. Turk. > Mong. čečeg, see TMN 3, 57, Щербак 1997, 112. Kypch. > Chuv. čečče, čeček (see Егоров 322, Федотов 2, 408-409); some Turkic forms (Tuva čeček, perhaps also Oyr. čeček and some of the Kypchak forms) may be borrowed back < Mong.
Comments:VEWT 102, EDT 867-868. Morphologically -t - is a collective suffix, -dak/-dɨk - a denominative suffix. The word is attested in MK, but in an aberrant (dialectal) shape with š-, and the meaning 'nut' is probably secondary, the original meaning of the root being 'coniferous tree, branch'. Several other plant names may be related, cf.: Chag. čekɛ 'berries found in the Fergana mountains'; Uzb. čakanda 'облепиха крушиновидная', Uygh. čäkändä 'a bush with red fruits' (R 3, 1947 Taranchi, mod. čakanda 'a k. of thorny bush'), Az. čäkil 'mulberry'; Kirgh. South. čekende 'хвойник; кузьмичева трава; эфедра двуколосковая' (its pseudoberries are edible; despite Yudakhin, not < Iranian - the word is not attested in Persian). Turk. > Pers. čäkäldäk 'blackberry' (Гаффаров).
