Каракалпакский:šapšaq 'wooden vessel for shaking up milk'
Кумыкский:čapčaq 1
Комментарии:VEWT 99, ДТС 153, Егоров 223,Федотов 2, 148-149. Forms with -u- in the second syllable demonstrate vowel assimilation (čopu- < *čapu-). External parallels strongly suggest that the word is not derived from *čap- 'hit', but is an original noun.
Башкирский:säbärt- 'to appear (of rash on lips)', sɨbar 1
Балкарский:čapɨr- 3, čubar 1
Гагаузский:čɨbar- 3
Караимский:čɨbar, cɨbar 1
Каракалпакский:šubar 1
Кумыкский:čapɨr- 3, čopur 1, čubar 'variegated'
Комментарии:VEWT 116, 118-119, Егоров 320, Федотов 2, 403. An expressive and late attested root; appears, however, to be reconstructable for PT. The original shape is probably *čap- (preserved in čap-ɨr- 'to appear (of rash)', with further labial assimilation into *čopur. The frequently attested variant čupar > čubar is most probably a result of contamination *čopur and *čubar (reflected in Tat. čuwar, Kirgh. čār that can only reflect *-b-).
Комментарии:Лексика 29, 35. The derivative *čar-s is somewhat peculiar morphologically and could be a loanword - from the (unattested) Mong. *čar-su(n) (?). {Oyr. čarɨm was removed from this etymology, but probably unjustly: the Komi source ćare̮m 'snow crust', as well as ćars id. are much better explained as borrowed from Turkic than vice versa. The form is traced back to Ur. *śarV in UEW 464, but the consonantism is quite irregular; other parallels proposed by Helimsky are Saam. čarava - with irregular vocalism - and Selk. č́ɔ̄rpɨ, closely resembling Tofalar čarpɨŋ. A complicated case, but explanation of the existing scattered Uralic forms from Turkic is at least not preferable to vice versa.}
Комментарии:VEWT 99-100, Егоров 221, Федотов 2, 143 (borrowing < FU *śorva 'horn' is hardly credible). Bulg. > Hung. sarló 'sickle', see Gombocz 1912, MNyTESz 3, 494-495. The root is certainly genuine, although some influence of the Iranian čarɨk, čarx 'wheel' could have existed.
Комментарии:The word is poorly attested (almost only in some modern Oghuz languages and Chag., see VEWT 95, Лексика 94; the Yakut parallel is phonetically unclear - borrowed from Tuva or Altai?). Turk. *čāj-ka (Turkm. čǟge, Chag. čeke) > Kalm. cekɛ̄ (KW 426). The forms (despite semantic difference) may have an Iranian origin: Pers. (Pekhl.) čāh 'well, spring' < *čāɵa > Av. čāta, Kurd. čāl, Bel. čāt, Osset. čad 'lake', Wakhi čot 'pond' (Horn 97, Аб. 1, 285, 329, Расторгуева 1990, 191, ЭСВЯ 130); a certain Persian loan is Khal. čā 'Brunnen, Grube'. Osset. č'aj 'well' is regarded by Abaev as a borrowing from Pers. through Georgian (č̣a 'well'). The relationship to the verbal stem čāj- 'to swill' (ОСНЯ 3, 59-60) ( < 'wash water off from the surface'?) is yet to be determined.
Комментарии:VEWT 102, EDT 400-401, Лексика 120. Turk. > Mong. čečeg, see TMN 3, 57, Щербак 1997, 112. Kypch. > Chuv. čečče, čeček (see Егоров 322, Федотов 2, 408-409); some Turkic forms (Tuva čeček, perhaps also Oyr. čeček and some of the Kypchak forms) may be borrowed back < Mong.
Комментарии:VEWT 102, EDT 867-868. Morphologically -t - is a collective suffix, -dak/-dɨk - a denominative suffix. The word is attested in MK, but in an aberrant (dialectal) shape with š-, and the meaning 'nut' is probably secondary, the original meaning of the root being 'coniferous tree, branch'. Several other plant names may be related, cf.: Chag. čekɛ 'berries found in the Fergana mountains'; Uzb. čakanda 'облепиха крушиновидная', Uygh. čäkändä 'a bush with red fruits' (R 3, 1947 Taranchi, mod. čakanda 'a k. of thorny bush'), Az. čäkil 'mulberry'; Kirgh. South. čekende 'хвойник; кузьмичева трава; эфедра двуколосковая' (its pseudoberries are edible; despite Yudakhin, not < Iranian - the word is not attested in Persian). Turk. > Pers. čäkäldäk 'blackberry' (Гаффаров).
Караханидский:čikin / čekin 'a plant growing among the vines and eaten by cattle' (MK)
Татарский:čɛkɛn 'corn cob' (< Chuv.?)
Среднетюркский:čekin 'greens, grass; a weed on rice fields, with black seeds and sharp awns' (Pav. C., Sangl.), čekil-dam 'tulip bulb; a root similar to wild garlic' (Pav. C., for dam cf. Uzb. dam 'pungency, bitterness' < Pers.)
Узбекский:čakalak 'bush thicket' (or perhaps to PT *čeke-t?)
Хакасский:sǝgen 'dry grass'
Чувашский:čakan 'reedmace'
Киргизский:čeken 'рогоз широколистый'
Башкирский:sɛkɛn 'corn cob' ( < Chuv.?)
Каракалпакский:šigin 'weed growing on rice fields, куриное просо', šigildik 'reed'
Комментарии:VEWT 111, EDT 415, Рас. ФиЛ 277, Егоров 316. Chuv. čakan, despite Дмитриева 1997, 52-53 and Róna-Tas, is not connected with *jeken 'reed' (v. sub *dék`à). Cf. other grass names: Chuv. čiken kurъkǝ 'geranium' (according to Ашм., grass helping from colics - Дмитриева 1997, 56); śikka kurъkǝ 'camomile' (according to Ашм. it hosts a plantlouse, to summon which the children say "śikka!" - Дмитриева 1988, 51); Uygh. čigä 'plant fibre, wild hemp (VEWT), Yak. sige 'тальниковые стружки, лыко'. Tuva sigen 'hay' (Tuva), (Tof. 'grass') has an irregular s-, so perhaps should be regarded as borrowed from Khak.
Комментарии:VEWT 103, EDT 415. (< Iran., see TMN 3, 85-86?). Despite EDT, hardly derived from ček- 'to pull'. The controversy concerning the Iranian origin of the Turkic word vs. the Turkic origin of the Modern Persian one (see Doerfer, Clauson), should be probably resolved as follows: Old Persian ( = Av. cakuš- 'axe / hammer for throwing') > Pers. čakuš 'hammer'; but Pers. čekoč, čekoǯ are phonetically aberrant (see Horn 99) and should be regarded as Turkisms; Pers. čekuš is a mixed form. The source of Pers. čekoč is Turk. čeküč - a diminutive in -č for the form čekük. Turkic forms in -š (Khal. čäkkuš, Kirgh. čöküš, KKalp. šökkiš, possibly also Nogh. šökiš, Bashk. sükeš) may be iranisms. Turk. > Mong. čeküč (see Щербак 1997, 112).
Комментарии:VEWT 103, EDT 416-417, Лексика 187, Stachowski 94. Forms like Tat. dial. sikertke are a result of contamination with *sēk- 'jump' (v. sub *sā́ki).
Комментарии:VEWT 103, EDT 418-419, Лексика 392. Ogh. čel-tik > Pers. čaltuk, šaltūk (despite VEWT 104). Turk. čelpek > Pers. čalpak (TMN 3, 1111). The meaning 'eye pus, mucus' in *čel-pek developed under the influence of the similar *čapak (see under *čap- 'plaster'), but the two roots should be clearly distinguished (despite EDT 418).
Комментарии:Лексика 220. Despite Буд. 1, 483-484, D-T 98 the Pers. čānah 'lower jaw' cannot be the source of Turkic forms; it does not have any Iranian etymology and is itself most likely a Turkism.
