Комментарии: Av. paradigm B (busá-dul,busá-bi). For Akhv. Gudava (1964, p. 116) cites a form bešʷani; the Northern form rẽšʷa (written down by MSU) is a result of metathesis ( < *re(b)šʷan < *beršʷan, cf. the Kar. form).
This is a very strange case of a correspondence Av. -s- : PA *xʷ (quite securely reconstructed on basis of Kar. berxʷan, Bagv. behen and Cham. Gig. mehan). Since the Av. and PA forms are quite impossible to separate, we have to assume some old interdialectal borrowings, when the word had spread from one dialect (where the change *šʷ > *xʷ had occurred earlier) to other dialects. The Tindi language has an altogether irregular form: beχʷan (with uvular χʷ) - a reflex typical for PA *xʷ only in the Kvanada dialect of Bagv., but otherwise never attested anywhere.
A possible solution would be a contamination of two roots in PA: *biršʷon 'nest, place' and *mVrxʷV 'farmstead' (reflected in Av. márxi, but lost in Andian languages) q.v.
Комментарии: Av. paradigm A (bérta-dul,bérta-bi; Chad. bértinu-l,bért-bi). Identical Andian forms are most probably borrowed from Avar: Cham., Tind. bertin, Kar. berten. Certainly borrowed from Avar are Tsezian forms: Inkh., Gunz. bertin, Tsez., Gin., Bezht. berten 'wedding'.
Комментарии: Av. paradigm A ~ C (pl. búrda-bi). God. has an irregular p- - which, however, may be an archaism (cf. voiceless p- in the Iranian source, see below).
Комментарии: Av. paradigm A (bísi-l,bísa-l). If the Cham. form is inherited, the reconstruction should be *bisV; however, it is more probable that it is a loan from Av. (in this case both *-s- and *-š(ʷ)- are equally possible).
Комментарии: Andian languages reflect a complex stem *b-iš:-di- (or *b-iš:-ti-), with exceptional development of the medial cluster *-š:d-. The stem is originally oblique ( < PEC *w-iźwV- with a class marker; cf. also Akhv. ušdi < *u_-iźwV- with another class prefix), and the morpheme *-di- most probably reflects the PEC attributive suffix *-dV.
Комментарии: Cf. also Cham. Gig. bešan-da, Kar. Tok. bexan, Bagv. Tlond. bešen. The Avar form nus < *bVns < *bišVnV- (cf. Andian forms). An old Andian loanword is PTsKh *bešon (Tsez., Gin. bišon, Khvarsh., Inkh. bešon).
[Gunz., Bezht. č̣iṭ 'hundred' is a curious case. It is obviously the result of folk-etymological analysis of Avar nus 'hundred' as 'knife' (in Avar there exists a homonymous nus 'knife' - of course, quite different etymologically). Since the Gunzib/Bezhta word for 'knife' is č̣iṭ, it obtained the additional meaning 'hundred' under Avar influence.]
Комментарии: Cf. also Akhv. Tseg. buχun, Botl. obl. beχuma-. The root is homonymous with *biχumV 'wooden spade or spoon' (q.v.) - however, the external evidence is in favour of separating these two homonyms.
Комментарии: Av. paradigm C (buhná-l,búhna-l). The root is homonymous with PA *biχumV 'shoulder-blade' (q.v.), which must be in this case considered a secondary merger (cf. the external evidence).
Комментарии: Av. Chad. paradigm C (baƛ̣:í-l,báƛ̣:a-l). A homonymous word is *boƛ̣:i ( ~ -a-), represented in Cham. baƛ̣: 'cord', God. baƛ̣:i 'plait'; it is not quite clear whether it is just a special semantic development, or actually a different root.
Комментарии: Cf. also Kar. Anch., Akhv. Tlan., Ratl. barta id. The root tends to merge in some languages with PA *bata 'trousers' (q.v.). PA *o-vocalism is probable because of an old loanword in Inkh.: borto-χe 'rug' (see PTs *χi).
