Комментарии: Av. has an irregular accent paradigm (gen. c̣:áda-l, pl. c̣:adá-l). Cf. also Akhv. Tseg., Tlan., Ratl. c̣:a, Cham. Gig. c̣:aj. The Av. and Akhv. forms contain historical suffixes (probably reflecting old obl. stems *c̣:adV-lV- and *c̣:adV-rV- - cf. the external evidence). Loss of medial *-d- in Andian languages is quite strange, but there seems to be no reason to suppose that *-d- is a suffix in all languages outside the Andian family (cf. a similar case in PA *la[d]i < PEC *ladV 'a k. of berry' q.v.).
Комментарии: In some languages a male and female guest are differentiated by class markers (Akhv. c̣:e-we - c̣:e-je, Cham. ṣe-w - ṣe-j, Gig. c̣:e-w - c̣:e-j).
Комментарии: Cf. also Akhv. Tseg., Tlan. č̣eḳer, Ratl. č̣iḳer, Cham. Gig. c̣:eč̣ir. Without the suffix -r cf. Bagv. pl. c̣:eḳi, Cham. Gig. pl. c̣:eč̣a, Kar. pl. c̣:iḳi; cf. also Kar. Tok.(with irregular vocalism) c̣:aḳu. The variant *c̣iḳir (reflected in Akhv., Tind., God.) is a result of secondary assimilation ( < *c̣:iḳir).
Комментарии: Reason for the appearance of uvular -q̇:ʷ- in Cham. (cf. also Gig. c̣iq̇:a) is contamination with another PA root, *č̣iq̇:(ʷ)i / *q̇:(ʷ)ič̣:i q.v.
An old loan from Tind. is Inkh. c̣iḳʷa 'intestine'.
Комментарии: For Avar the Av.-Rus. dictionary gives c̣:eḳa-b (with ḳ), but Gudava (1964, 105) writes c̣:eḳ:a-b; the variant with weak -ḳ- may be due to dissimilation. Unclear is č̣:- in Akhvakh (all other languages uniformly point to *c̣:-).
Комментарии: Av. paradigm C (c̣:alá-l,c̣:ála-l; Chad. c̣oló-l,c̣ál-dal - but also c̣alá-l). In Av. one would rather expect *c̣:el - perhaps we deal with vowel levelling by analogy with the obl. stem.
Комментарии: Av. paradigm A (c̣:únc̣:ra-dul,c̣:únc̣:ra-bi), but Chad. B (c̣unc̣rú-l / c̣unc̣í-l,c̣unc̣-bí). The root has different suffixes in all languages (cf. also God. Zib. c:inc:iš:ul 'centipede').
Комментарии: Av. paradigm B (gen. c̣:e-l, pl. c̣:aní; Chad. c̣el/c̣e-dúl, pl. c̣iní). Cf. also Akhv. Rikv. c̣:ĩja. In most languages (except Av. and And.) the singular of this noun is formed with a suffix *-ƛ:u, while the plural goes back to a form *c̣:inHa (cf. Akhv. c̣:ana, Cham. ṣine, Tind. c:ena, Kar. c̣:eni, Botl. c̣:ine, God. c:ine).
The North. Akhv. dialect (recorded by MSU) has a specific stem c̣:ir-: sing. c̣:iriƛ:i, pl. c̣:ere; Magomedbekova notes only plur. c̣:iriba (together with c̣:oni-ba and c̣:ana). The form c̣:onoƛ:i in the MSU recordings is used only in the meaning 'young goat (less than 2-3 y. old)'. It is possible that the stem c̣:ir(i)- reflects the archaic obl. base *c̣:inHV-rV-, parallel to the oblique base in some Lezg. languages.
Комментарии: Av. paradigm C (c̣:arú-l,c̣:ára-l). Cf. also Akhv. Tseg.,Tl., Ratl. c̣:e (without -ri probably by analogy with the obl. base c̣:e-de- < *c̣:er-de-), Cham. Gig. c̣:eri, Gad. c̣:ej, Kar. Tok. c̣:er.
Комментарии: Av. paradigm C (c̣:iná-lzul,c̣:ína-bi; Chad. c̣iná-ldul /but also c̣ínu-l/,c̣ínu-jal/c̣ína-l). Cf. also God. Zib. c:una, Kar. Anch. c̣:ũj. In And. and Kar. (Karata proper; cf. also Rats. c̣:undi, Tok. c̣:undul,c̣:unṭul) there is a dental suffix (usual in words with former *-nH- clusters).
