Комментарии: A variant of the same root is perhaps Av. ṭeh (Chad. ṭeh) 'flower' ( > Arch. ṭeI, Bezht. Tlad. ṭeħ id.). It is hard to separate Av. ṭeh and daħa from each other.
Комментарии: Par. B/C ( daʕní-l,duʕ-bí/dúʕnu-l, Chad. diʕní-l,diʕ-bí/deʕéna-l). The root without the suffix -n is preserved in the plural duʕ-bí / diʕ-bí.
Комментарии: The component -gudi in And. is unclear. For PA either *-ʷo- or *-ʷa- can be reconstructed (since the And. form - quoted from Khaidakov 1973 - is not very reliable).
Комментарии: The Av. word is taken from Uslar (paradigm C: loc. donḳní-we, pl. dónḳal). Within Andian the word appears to be a metathesized variant of *gʷandV 'pit' (q.v.), but the Av. opposition gʷend - donḳó proves that this is not the case.
Комментарии: Av. paradigm C (gorbó-l,gárba-l; but Chad. garbí-l,garbá-l). The form gabur is probably a result of reinterpreting the original plural form *gar-ba-l (on analogy with paradigms like ḳamúr(i), ḳárma-l etc.). In Cham. -ƛ: is a locative suffix (cf. also ǯaj-q: "on the neck").
Комментарии: Av. paradigm B (gozó-l,guz-bí). The vowel -o- in Cham. is not clear. Most Andian forms listed can be borrowed from Av. (but since correspondences are regular, it is hard to prove). The Av. form can also be the source of Lak. and Darg. dialectal forms with -z- (not -c:-): Lak. k:aza (existing together with k:ac:a), Darg. Chir. gaza etc.
Комментарии: The Andian forms reflect the stem II (*gir-), while Avar reflects stem I (*=VgVr-). Some problems are raised by Av. dialectal forms (Chad. -n-conjugation) and by the Tind. initial ʁ- which is quite irregular. However, it doesn't seem proper to separate this form from Cham. garad- etc. (the reason for ʁ- may be contamination with ʁer-d- 'to roll, glide' - see under EC *=irʁwV).
In Avar there is also a stem =ug-, serving as present for the verb 'to be' (=uḳ-n-); it probably can be related (with Ablaut) to the root *=Vg(Vr)- / *gir- 'to lie'. Cf. also its Akhv. counterpart g- / gol-.
Комментарии: The root is normally supplied with suffixes (-n- or -m-); cf. also Kar. Anch. girgin 'wheel', God. gurgu-š:il 'circle, ring, wheel', And. girgin 'roof roller; skein, hank'.
Комментарии: Av. paradigm B (katí-l,kutú-l/katá-l; Chad. gití-l,git-bí). The root reveals a variety of variants which can be systemized as follows:
The principal Proto-Av.-And. form must be reconstructed as *gitu. It was preserved only in Southern Av. dialects (Chad. gétu, Gid. geto), being replaced in Northern Av. by the assimilated form kéto (kétu). The Akhv. (Tseg.) form geto may also reflect this archaic form, or (which is more probable) is borrowed from Southern Avar.
The literary Av. form kéto was borrowed into some of the Andian languages: cf. Akhv. keto, Ratl. keto, Tlan. ketu, Kar. Tok. ketu, Bagv. kitʷ.
The proper Proto-Andian form is reconstructed as *gidu (which is a result of assimilation from the original *gitu) and is reflected as such in the majority of languages. It was then borrowed in some Tsezian languages: Bezht. gedo, Gunz. gedu (the proper PTs form is *ḳiṭu q.v.).
The only evident exception is the Cham. (U.-Gakv., Gad.) form č̣eṭa ( < *ḳiṭa) - since all other Av.-And. languages do not show any trace of glottalisation in this root, it must be borrowed, most probably from Tsezian.
