Comments: PAK *šχʷa. The root is used in several compounds also, cf. PAK *q:a-šχʷa (Ad. q:āšχʷa, Kab. q:āśχʷa) 'blue', *šχʷa-(n)ṭá 'blue, green' (Ad. šχʷānṭa, Kab. śχʷānṭa) etc.
Comments: The root is attested only within a compound with PWC *bIaga 'fox' (q.v.). Shagirov (1977, 72) supposed that the Ad. word was borrowed from Ubykh, which is hardly credible (we do not know of other loans in this direction). His reason was that the Ub. word can be analysed as bIaga 'fox' + šʷǝ 'diminutive suffix', but the external evidence (cf. especially Abkh. á-š̌a-bga) shows that this is a folk etymology, and šʷǝ here is an independent root.
Comments: PAT *šʷV-rV (cf. also Bzyb. á-š̌ara-x 'deer'); PAK *śǝ-ħV́. The Ub. word is a compound with ʎǝ 'deer' ('deer-hunting').
The meaning 'hunting' in Ub. is secondary, being influenced by a similar (phonetically and semantically) root represented in Ub. sʷā-ḳ́á 'hunter', PAK *š:a-ḳʷa- 'to hunt', PAT *šʷara-ća- 'to hunt' (the latter form demonstrates a similar merger of two originally distinct roots) < PWC *š́:ʷa- 'to hunt'. The components *-ħV in PAK and *-xǝ in PAT (*šʷara-xǝ) are unclear. They may represent originally independent roots (for PAK *ħV cf. PEC *wHɨ̆rχ_V 'mountain goat', for PAT *-xǝ cf. PEC *ɦānxV 'deer' q.v.), but since they are attested only in compounds and in different subbranches of WC, such etymologies at present seem too risky. The roots for 'deer' (*š́ʷV) and 'hunt' (*š́:ʷa) are correctly separated by Shagirov (1977,2,149) in an argument with Dumézil (1967,160; 1969, 112). Also correct is his separating of Abkh. a-čá 'female deer' and Ub. žʷa 'deer' (see PWC *č́ʷa / *ǯ́ʷa). However, his separating PAT *šʷVrV from PAK *śǝħV́ is hardly justified (the Ub. form ʎa-šʷá is not even considered).
Comments: PAT *tA-; PAK *tǝ- (an objectless form *ta- > Ad., Kab. ta-n also exists). In Ub. ta- is archaic and rarely used; more usual is the form tʷǝ- which must be an old variant of the same root (labialisation may reflect either old Ablaut or old class affixation).
Comments: PAT *tǝ, PAK *ṭǝ. Glottalisation in PAK and Ub. is obviously secondary, although its source is not quite clear (perhaps it reflects the original laryngeal -ʔ- which had been lost in Inlaut). Another solution would be comparing the PAK and Ub. root with a different EC stem (cf. PA *riṭana [~-o-] 'lamb' > Botl. reṭana, Cham. jeṭana etc.) - which, however, seems rather dubious (it is difficult to separate WC forms from each other).
Comments: PAK *tχʷǝ́r-ba / *tχʷǝrǝ́-mba. Ad. > Ub. tχʷǝ́rba 'foam' (see Dumézil 1931, 211, Shagirov 2, 78). The element *-(ǝm)-ba in PAK is not quite clear. Despite Dumézil (1932, 107, 108), the AK form can not be related to Ub. šχʷabǝ́ 'foam', since the latter is clearly connected with PAT *sʷaqǝ 'foam' ( < PWC *šʷaq:V q.v.).
Meaning:1 he-goat (1 y. old) 2 animal (1 y. old and older)
Adyghe:tač́a-χʷ 2
Kabardian:daǯa-χʷ 1
Comments: PAK *t:ak:a-χʷǝ (a compound with *χʷǝ 'male'); in Kab. the precise meaning is 'a gelt he-goat (more than 1 year old)'. Cf. also Kab. daǯāža 'a 1 y. old he-goat' (a compound with āža 'goat').
Comments: PAK *at:aq:á. Ub. has t- instead of the expected d- under the influence of the Ad. form; a direct loan from Ad. is less probable.
Shagirov (1, 56) analyses the first part of the PAK form as *at:á 'father', which is unacceptable because of external parallels and the obscure character of the component *-q:a (it is, however, possible that the prothesis *a- appeared in PAK under the influence of this root).
Comments: PAT *darǝdǝ / *dadǝrǝ (cf. also Bzyb. a-dǝrdǝ́; in Abkh. there exists also a variant a-dardʁʷǝ́ = Abaz. dadǝrʁʷǝ́ with an unclear component *-ɣʷǝ).
