Notes: A common NC root; the semantic development 'corner, angle' > 'horn' in PWC is rather natural, and all phonetic correspondences are regular. Abdokov (1983, 107) distinguishes within WC a separate, but phonetically close, root with the meaning 'root' - which he compares with EC *Hiƛ̣_īwV 'root' (q.v.); this seems hardly plausible for phonetic reasons (also, the need for reconstructing two separate WC roots seems dubious, see above).
Notes:PL also has a general obl. stem in *-mV-; it is not quite clear whether we deal with one or two morphemes here. Cf. Hurr. -umme 'nomina actionis, infinitives'.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The same stem possibly can be discovered in Lak. cu-ma 'who, which' (a compound with cu 'who'). Note a striking parallelism between PL *mo-sa 'when' and PN *ma-ca(n) id.
[Since initial *mu- must be regularly dropped in Lak., it would be possible to derive Lak. ta 'when' < *mu(r)-ta = PD *mu-rt].
Notes: The vocalism is hard to reconstruct (because of morphological restructuring in daughter-languages). The root is represented widely enough to justify its reconstruction for PNC.
Notes: The Nakh, Andian and Lezgian forms must be related, although phonetic correspondences are rather strange in this root. Unclear is the syllable *-kʷa- in PA, as well as the tense *s: in PL. Perhaps we should reconstruct here a rare cluster of two medial stops (*mV̆kwcV) or a trisyllabic structure, like in PA? Another solution may be provided by an isolated form, attested in Tsez. (Kid.): mekaχ 'hunger' - The PA form could be a compound *makʷac- < *makʷa-mac- (where the first component = Tsez. meka-, and the second component = PN *maci-). On the whole, a rather obscure case.
Notes: A cultural term; if the PL form is really related to PA and PN (which is probable, despite metathesis), must be reconstructed for the PEC level. One can not exclude a possibility of PN borrowing from PA or vice versa - thus it can be, in fact, a Nakh-Lezg. or Aand-Lezg. isogloss.
The root is probably connected with the 'wandering' word: Osset. mes / mestäl, Turk. (Anat.) mest, Georg. mesṭi etc. (see Abayev 1973, 112).
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. A trisyllabic root, with usual metatheses in PA. One could also compare Lak. k:uru-čaj, Khosr. k:urun-čaj 'stone roller' (phonetically it fits rather well), but in Lak. the root has completely merged with k:uru- 'round, to roll' (q.v.) < PEC *gwVrV.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The Av.-And. forms contain a suffix *-di (probably originally adjectival). The correspondence Av.-And., Lak. -0- : PD *-r- points to *-l- in PEC.
Notes: Like many birdnames, this is an expressive (probably onomatopoeic) root with many irregularities. It usually appears in a reduplicated form: *mVq̇_Vq̇V (> Av.), *q̇_VmVq̇V ( > Tab.); the PWC form *nVbǝʁ́ʷV can be explained as a secondary dissimilation from *mVmǝʁ́ʷV < *mVmVq̇_V (with yet another type of reduplication).
Because of the root's expressive nature, correspondences are obscured and it is impossible to reconstruct anything but a very approximate shape of the original noun.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Reduplication is identical in Av. and Darg., thus a loan is possible (although the meanings are different). Lack of *-ɫV in the Bezht. form is probably secondary - a result of an analogous reanalysis of the oblique stem *muq̇VlV- (cf. Bezht. -muq̇li-). There are too few data for a proper reconstruction of vocalism.
Notes: A Darg.-Lezg. isogloss (therefore it is hard to reconstruct the first vowel, because in PL we may deal with an assimilation *morkol < *mVrkol). Despite the metathesis in Darg. (cf. also the situation in Ag.), the comparison is quite reliable.
Notes: The root behaves very similarly to PNC *maśwĔ 'price' (with the same loss of initial *mV- in a verbal root in PWC), and should be certainly reconstructed for PNC. The semantic difference between these two roots is yet to be established (in Ubykh they are opposed as 'profit, pay' : 'price'; in PAA as 'price, buy' : 'pay'). Cf. also HU: Hurr. niɣ-ari 'dowry' (see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 22).
