Notes: It may be hard to separate PL *wilq̇ʷina 'knitting needle' from PC *biq̇ʷVna and PA *biḳ:ʷVn id.: the explanation lies in a merger of two phonetically close EC roots - *=ilq̇_wVn 'to sew' and *=iḳ_wVn 'to spin, to knit' q. v. The common EC derivate *wiḳ_wVnV (which should have given *wiḳʷVn(a) in PL) merged with PL *wilq̇ʷina (a derivate from the root *=ilq̇_wVn). The EC-WC comparison see in Абдоков 1983, 162.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The original meaning must be reconstructed as 'to put', with many secondary semantic developments (especially in Nakh languages). In PTs we would rather expect a *-L:- - the development of a lateral obstruent to *-l- in PTs is rather unique and must be explained by dissimilation with the early added *g-preverb (the lateral fricative lost its usual velar timbre and changed into a resonant).
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The verb usually is used with class prefixes; however, a prefixless stem *ʔĭŁ_V- can also be reconstructed (reflected, with loss of the first syllable, in the PN imperative stem *lo, Av. stem II ƛ̣:e-, PD stem *k:V-). The Ablaut stem *-uŁ_V is reflected in PL *ʔoƛ:ɨ-, Lak. =u=lu- and in some Darg. forms (if we reconstruct here *ū, PTs *-ɨƛ- may also reflect this stem - vs. *-iƛ- < *-ĭŁV). Finally, PN *t-ēʎ- reflects another durative Ablaut stem (without secure parallels in other EC languages).
Cf. also Hurr., Urart. ar- 'to give' (see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 51).
Notes: An Aand-Lezg. isogloss. Correspondences are regular (on the borrowed character of Arch. ƛ̣:eIr- see above). Both subgroups reflect Ablaut grades *-iŁ_Vr and *-oŁ_Vr; also characteristic is the semantic derivation "hot : bitter", both in Av.-And. and in Lezgian.
Notes: A Nakh-Lezg. isogloss. PWC *ʒʷa 'to wash; to dam' can belong either here (in which case we should reconstruct PNC *=imc̣_Ŭn) or to PNC *=Häć_wĂ q.v.
Notes: A reliable common NC etymology, first proposed by Balkarov (1964, 100); see also Абдоков 1983, 158-159. An alternative comparison (Charaya 1912, 26) with Georg. c̣wa, Megr. č̣wala 'burn' can not be accepted.
Labialisation in PWC is secondary: either due to a lost class prefix, or to the labialising influence of the lost -m- (cf. above about the secondary variant *-ĭmʒ́wĔr in EC).
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Seems both semantically ("good" - "right" is a common correlation) and phonetically reliable. Cf. also Urart. gunǝ 'right (not left), true' (see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 32).
The same root is probably represented in PEC *k_wVnV 'a conditional particle' > Ud. -gin, Khin. -k:ʷa, Lak. -kun, Tsez. -kin et al.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are regular. See Trubetzkoy 1922, 241. Cf. also Urart. arnǝ,aranǝ 'favour, mercy' (see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 52).
Notes: An important common NC cultural term. The verb is preserved only in WC and in the Eastern Daghestan area (PL, Khin.); Av., Lak., Darg. and PTs have preserved only the reflexes of the nominal derivate *qwVrHV 'something woven' (probably < *wiqVrHV). The same derivate (with metathesis) is reflected in PL *ruχ(a).
Notes: The root may be related to *=aq_wV 'to fall; get into' (q.v.), which also has an Ablaut grade *=iq_wV (their opposition in Av.-And. suggests, however, that the two roots had different final vowels).
The EC-WC comparison was suggested by Trubetzkoy (1930, 278; see also comments on p. 461).
Notes: A common NC verb; correspondences are regular. Labialisation in PWC (as in a number of other verbal stems) probably reflects an original class prefix. See Абдоков 1983, 179.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are regular. The root was also present in HU, cf. the Hurr. derivate k/χē-šχǝ 'settee, throne' (see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 59).
Notes: The root, originally verbal, has preserved its verbal status only in a few languages (Bacb., Darg., Ud., WC; cf. also Ur. ab-il- 'to join' ( < 'sew together' ?), see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 18). Much more widely spread are old derivates: *jiburV in Western EC languages ( > PN *jub,*ʔab-rV-; Av. ʕébu, Chad. ʕíbur; Lak. p:a,p:ur-; Khin. p:la), *HrVbV̄ and *wVreba in Eastern EC languages (PL *rap:/*räp:,*wurep:a; PD *durup:,*birep:a).
Abdokov (1983, 129) compares the EC forms with a PAK root *bǝ-, tentatively reconstructed by the author with the meaning 'to pierce, punch a hole', on the basis of complex derivates like Kab. pxǝʁa-mbǝ-n 'to punch a hole (by a pointed obj.)' [in Карданов 1957 glossed: 'to crush, squeeze through'] and Shaps. ja-bǝ-xǝ-n 'to fall down (through)'. The morpheme is unclear etymologically (in fact, it may represent the same root as Ad. bǝ 'hole, den' - see Shagirov 1, 102), and the etymology seems dubious.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. In PL and Cham. there occurred a secondary loss of labialization (before a front vowel?); otherwise the correspondences are regular (pharyngealization in PD is automatic, in the vicinity of a front vowel). A probable HU parallel is Hurr. e/igi,eg-o 'cold' (see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 60).
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. In the Western Daghestan area possible derivates from the same root are Av. (Chad.) miʁír (maʁrú-l,maʁrá-l) 'a roller (for rolling roofs)', PGB *ʁɨr-ṭǝna (Gunz. ʁɨrṭǝna, Bezht. Khosh. ʁirṭina) id.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The conjugation in Darg., and the durative stem kl- in Khin. make the reconstruction with final *-l rather probable; unfortunately the root is not reflected in more informative languages like Tsakhur or Shakhdagh.
