COMMENT: As many other adjectival stems, PNC *=Hĭc̣_Ăl- could have suffixed class markers, turning to *=Hĭc̣_lV- > *=Hĭlc̣_V- (this process could occur independently in different subgroups). The latter form is reflected in PN and PA - but archaic Lezghian and Dargian data speak in favour of the original structure *=Hĭc̣_Ăl-. The root could also use prefixed class markers, which are preserved in Nakh languages and have left traces in some Lezghian languages, as well as in PWC *p(ǝ)-. Despite all these difficulties, the etymology seems both phonetically and semantically quite satisfactory.
COMMENT: PN and Khin. have preserved only nominal derivates of the root; in PL and Lak. it still functions as a verb. The vocalic reconstruction is not quite certain because of reduction in PN (in a suffixed derivate) and pharyngealization. The EC-WC comparison seems both phonetically and semantically reasonable. See Абдоков 1983, 175.
COMMENT: A common NC root; sometimes reduplicated (as in PTs and Lak). Correspondences are regular except for the PTs nasalisation, which has an obscure origin.
COMMENT: A modal verb, confined to the Eastern Daghestan area (cf. perhaps also the Khin. present k:ʷi < *kV-wi in the suppletive paradigm of the verb 'to be, become').
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Many languages reflect the PEC derivate *w-Hiḳ_wVnV 'tool for spinning / knitting' (needle or thread). We must also mention that in some languages this derivate merged with PEC *w-ilq̇_wVnV 'tool for sewing' ( < *=ilq̇_wVn 'sew' q.v.).
COMMENT: The root is expressive (it has a unique root structure: HVRVCVR) and spread only in the Eastern Dagestan area. The irregular development in PD (we would rather expect *q:I) is probably due to the root's expressive nature.
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. One is tempted to compare also PN *ʁo-, the present (durative) stem from *-aχ- 'to go', but this raises phonetic problems.
The PC and Av. forms (as well as PL Ablaut grade *ʔoqI:ʷä-) reflect a PEC Ablaut grade *-HumG_wV; in Av. the root is reduplicated.
COMMENT: The nasal conjugation, preserved in PA and PD, was for some unclear reason lost in PL; it is, however, undoubtedly old, cf. also the HU data: Hurr. χan- 'to give birth, bear' (compared in Diakonoff-Starostin 1986 with PEC *G_Hŏnɨ 'pregnant', but rather belonging here).
The EC-WC comparison (first proposed by Mészáros 1934, 377) seems quite plausible (however, Megr. skua 'child' has of course nothing to do with it - see Shagirov 1, 231). Bouda's (1950, 294) comparison of the WC forms with Georg. meq̇wisi,moq̇wasi 'relative, near one' is much worse both phonetically and semantically. See also Abdokov 1983, 86 (Lezg. χʷa : WC; we should note, however, that other Lezg. forms cited by Abdokov go back to PEC *dwirχE q.v.).
COMMENT: One of the nominal stems with old changing class prefixes. It is rather difficult to make a clear distinction between PNC *=Hĭq̇wǝ and *=ǝG_wV (q.v.): these roots are phonetically and semantically close and tend to contaminate. However, it seems probable that the former originally meant 'waist, middle part' while the latter meant 'back'.
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Not clear is the nasal -m- in Darg. (neither Av.-And., nor Lezg. have any trace of a nasal); otherwise correspondences are regular. The vowel in PA probably reflects the Ablaut grade *e ( > PA *o).
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The root consonant behaves in a somewhat irregular manner: PA, Lak. and PD point to *šw (with tense phonation), but Avar and PL have unexpected hissing reflexes. This, together with the fact of variation between *-n and *-r-conjugation in PL, makes us suspect that contaminations of different roots have taken place. For the hissing *s (Av. s:ʷine, PL *ʔisʷVn-) cf. perhaps PEC *s_iHwV 'breath, soul' - especially reflexes like Kar. s:uhã- 'to get tired' (the semantic correlation 'breath, breathe' - 'extinguish' is typologically rather common).
COMMENT: The root obstruent and the vowels in all languages correspond well to each other, but the status of the final nasal is not quite clear (both Av.-And. and Lezgian languages reveal variation between -n and -0-conjugation). Initial laryngeal is suggested by the HU parallel: Hurr. χiz-lV- 'to roll up' (see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 43).
COMMENT: A common NC root; WC languages have preserved only an old derivate *nǝq:ʷa ( < *mǝq:a), corresponding to PA *b=iq̇:in(V) 'half', PD *b-aIHVnV id.
