COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are regular. Av. reflects the Av.-And. "stage II" (with loss of initial vowel), with a durative suffix -d-. The Ablaut grade *-ä̆xwV is reflected in PN *ʔiχ-.
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The root is widely represented in two basic Ablaut grades: *=ĭχ_V (or, without class prefixes, *ʔĭχ_V- > *χ_V-) and *=ŭχ_V. We can also reconstruct a PEC derivate *r-[ä̆]χ_V 'load, burden' (reflected in PD *deχ:, PA *riχi-r, see above). (Note that PTs *=ɔʁ:- may represent a contamination of this root and PNC *=Hĕlχ_U q.v., which would explain the meanings 'take away, take off' in Tsezian languages). Cf. also HU: Hurr., Urart. χa- 'to take (away, etc.)', see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 61.
Other possible derivates from the same root are PNC *mŏχ_V 'pack, bundle' q.v. (if it is, it contains the rare instrumental prefix *m-), and PEC *χ_[ä]lʔV 'burden, bundle' q.v.
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. In some languages reflexes of *=ĭʒ_wVn and *=īʒ_ur (q.v.) are rather hard to distinguish, but in general these roots should be strictly kept apart from each other.
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Nasal conjugation in Av.-And. is probably secondary (although one should, perhaps, note some traces of it also in Lezghian).
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The vocalic reconstruction is rather tentative: however, it seems probable that PL reflects the Ablaut stage *-īnkwV while PTs reflects the Ablaut stage *-ǟnkwV.
COMMENT: Phonetically and semantically the etymology is satisfactory; however, the root is rather sparsely represented outside the Lezghian area, which makes it not very reliable.
COMMENT: Both phonetically and semantically the EC-WC parallel is quite plausible. See Trubetzkoy 1922, 238 (listing also Av. ʎ:i-ze, And. ʎ:i-du - forms that we were unable to identify); in Trubetzkoy 1930, 278 the EC verb is incorrectly compared with PAK *χʷǝ- 'to become' (see comments on p. 460).
COMMENT: The root is sometimes difficult to distinguish from a similar root with *-qw- (see *HreqwĂr), because *qw and *χw have merged in PL and PWC, which could have resulted in a complete or partial merger of the roots. See Абдоков 1983, 177-178, 184.
COMMENT: One of the most stable and widely spread NC kinship terms with changing class prefixes. It is also preserved in HU, cf. Hurr. še-ni 'brother' (despite another etymology given in Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 43, the word most probably belongs here).
Two basic original forms must be reconstructed as *u_-ɨ̆ć_ĭ(jV) 'brother' (with frequent further development > *ć_wɨ̆jV or *ć_wĭjV; exactly this form is reflected, e.g., in PL and PWC), and *j-ɨ̆ć_ĭ(jV) 'sister' (sometimes with a similar contraction > *ć_ĭjV). The arisal of the new feminine class prefix *r- in the Eastern area led to a new formation *r-ɨ̆ć_ĭ(jV) 'sister', reflected in Darg., Khin. and part of Lezghian languages.
See Trubetzkoy 1930, 278, Rogava 1956, Balkarov 1969, Shagirov 1, Abdokov 1983, 87. Despite Charaya 1912 and Yakovlev 1941, Kartvelian words for 'brother' (Megr. ǯima, Georg. ʒma) and 'son' (šwili) have nothing to do with PNC *=ɨ̆ć_ĭ.
COMMENT: See Abdokov 1983, 89. Cf. also Urart. aršǝ 'young people, children' (see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 36). One of the widely spread nominal stems with changing class prefixes. The WC evidence suggests that it may have been originally verbal ("to bear"), but in all modern languages it is used only as a noun. Phonetic correspondences are quite regular; the only problem is Lak. -s (-š would be expected normally). The seemingly classless forms (PC *ʔožǝ, Lak. ars, PD *ʔurši, Khin. ši) reflect the PEC form with the weak male class prefix *u_=ɨšwĔ; the only form which can reflect an original prefixless stem is the PL plural *š:i-p:V ( < *šʷi-bV). In Lak., Darg. and Urart. the stem obtained a secondary medial -r- (no trace of it in any other language); it can not be a feminine class affix, because the word means only 'son, boy' in these languages. This -r- probably reflects an oblique stem with the *-rV suffix (*-ɨ̆šwĔ-rV- > *-ɨ̆ršwV).
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. One of the body part names with historically changing class prefixes (preserved in Darg. and traced in other subgroups). The rare trisyllabic root underwent reduction ( > *=ɨ̄rŁ_V or *=arŁ_V) in most subgroups (except PL), and metathesis in Lak.
COMMENT: An Av.-And.-Lezg. isogloss. The comparison is rather probable, but needs several phonetic comments. *-l- in PL (unambiguously established on basis of Ag., Tsakh. -r-) corresponds directly to -n- in the PA derivate *ʔinχ:u, thus it must be reconstructed for PEC. However, in PA we should expect a weakened reflex *-χ-, not *-χ:- after a medial liquid. The reason of the irregularity is probably an early loss of *-l- in the verbal stem (where all Andian languages and Av. reflect a pure stem *=iχ:-) and the consequent strengthening -χ- > -χ:- in the intervocalic position. Strong *-χ:- in *ʔinχ:u is obviously a result of later analogy with *=iχ:-.
