COMMENT: Although there are not enough data to reconstruct the first vowel, correspondences are rregular and the etymology seems quite satisfactory. Avar > Osset. (Dig.) goren 'fence' (see Abayev 1958, 524-525, comparing the Osset. form with Abkh.).
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are regular. In PN the initial dental is possibly a trace of an original class prefix (it can hardly be explained in any other way). The only subgroup which has lost this archaic numeral is Andian (where 'twenty' is formed by 'two' + 'ten').
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. There exist also several other forms which can be distorted reflexes of the same root (which is obviously expressive and thus liable to irregular changes): Bezht. Tlad. ʕöṭe, Gunz. χõṭoχo; PAK *ħanṭVr-, PAA *ada (see under *q̇_wVrVq̇V̄). However, they may also reflect another root, possibly represented in Chech. ünṭa-pħid 'tortoise', with a tentative protoform *HVnṭV. The evidence is not sufficient, and this question must still remain open.
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are regular. Abdokov (1983, 106) compares the EC root with PAK *ʁa- (in compounds like *ʁa-zʷá 'crops'), but Shagirov (1, 123) is probably right in identifying this element with PAK *ʁa 'season, time'.
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The root is close phonetically to *q̇_ɦwaṭɨ 'ravine, mountain pass' (q.v.), but the two roots are opposed in several subgroups, so it seems best to keep them separate (although they tend to contaminate).
COMMENT: Correspondences are regular, and the etymology seems quite reliable. See Абдоков 1983, 186. The Kartvelian data compared with PWC by Lomtatidze 1955 (Georg. mʁʷime 'cavern', ʁru 'hollow', Old Georg. qureli 'hole') are heterogeneous and probably do not belong here. On the other hand, cf. PK *ʁele- 'ravine' which may be borrowed from *G_wǝ̆lʡi.
COMMENT: An important common NC cultural term. Although within WC the root is attested only in Abaz., the probability of borrowing is rather small. Phonetic correspondences are quite regular (although there is some uncertainty about the first vowel; it is only clear that it was short and front); the uvular consonant had undergone a usual delabialisation before the following labial in PWC.
COMMENT: The etymology seems reliable semantically and phonetically (although the PN vowel length is not quite clear: the PWC form presupposes a short PNC vowel).
All other parallels suggested for the PWC form meet serious phonetic obstacles (Trubetzkoy's [1930, 278] comparison with Chech. ben 'nest' etc.; Lomtatidze's [1955] comparison with Old Georg. saq̇udeli, Megr. ʕude, Av. ruq̇: 'house'; Abdokov's [1983, 133] comparison with obvious late loanwords like Gunz. bina 'building' etc.). The Georgian form wani 'house, dwelling', cited by Charaya (1912) and Bouda (1950) is most probably an Adygh loan.
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are regular. PN has a form with a diminutive suffix *-ḳ, enhanced by an additional *-ɫV (cf. the same suffixation in *cħōḳal 'fox', and in PA *ƛ̣:an-ḳala 'hare').
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. In several languages the root was influenced by the similar PEC *gīrgwV 'round' q.v.; the Andian reflexes, however, show that this is quite a different root.
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are regular. The original meaning must have been simply "wooden block", used as a support both while sitting and while sleeping (the custom of using wooden pillows is nowadays spread only in South East Asia, but was probably more widely spread earlier).
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The PN form is a compound < *ʁan + *paʁa (about the second part see PEC *pĭrq_wA). It is interesting to note a form, isolated within Andian: Akhv. maχ:aχ:o 'pear', very much resembling the PN *ʁammaʁa (but obviously not related genetically, because there is no correspondence between PN *ʁ and PA *χ:). This may be an old loanword from Nakh (with χ: reflecting the PN *ʁ - probably before the original *G changed to *ʁ in PA).
