COMMENT: In PD there occurred an assimilation (*k- > *ḳ-); otherwise correspondences are regular. Note that Darg. Chir. ḳuṭum 'kidney' is borrowed from Agul.
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are regular. A similar word is present in Georg. (gundi) and Armenian, without any etymology - thus, most probably borrowed from an EC source.
Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are regular. The word very probably belongs to an early layer of Indo-European loanwords in EC: cf. Osset. kūvɨn (kʷɨv-d) 'to pray', Old Indian kopa- 'anger, irritation' etc. (Indo-Iran. *kwap- / *kup-, IE *kwepǝ-).
COMMENT: One of the very rare class of derivative suffixes, reconstructable for PNC; cf. also Hurr. -ga, -gǝ id. The morpheme is expressive, thus correspondences are not quite regular (sometimes glottalisation disappears). The suffix is still productive in Nakh and Abkh.-Abaz., but it has left numerous traces in other languages (including Tsezian and Dargwa).
COMMENT: A rather complicated case. Within EC the root is preserved in the original shape only in Udi; in Avaro-Ando-Tsezian languages it had been actively contaminated with another PEC root for "beard", *bōlʒ́i q.v. (hence mi- in PA, cf. *miža, and *bü- (<*bi-) in PC, cf. *biša-l-). Moreover, as it is usual with roots of this structure (containing two stops), it was liable to metathesis, and it is now hard to establish which of the two variants is original.
The front vowel after *ʒ́ is reconstructed on basis of WC evidence (however, front *ḳ́ is there probably a secondary result of assimilation).
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The Nakh form raises some doubts (loss of -n- is rather unexpected, and there is some uncertainty about the PN form itself), but still the etymology seems reliable.
COMMENT: There is a good correspondence between the PN, PL and PAK forms. If we take into account the meaning 'coal' in PN and in the PL compound, this etymology of the Lak. form also becomes rather probable. Lak. ḳalaš must be a modification < *ḳa-š:al < *ḳar-š:al, where the second component is most probably PEC *č_Häɫu 'sand, gravel' q.v. (normally reflected in Lak. as š:aIlu).
Abdokov (1983, 94) compares the Adygh forms with EC descendants of *ḳ_wɨ̆nħV 'smoke' (q.v.), which seems less probable for phonetic reasons.
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Except for some metatheses/assimilations of laryngeal features (usual in roots with two stops), correspondences are regular.
COMMENT: Reconstructed for the PEC level. In PA, simultaneously with denasalisation (*-mp- > -b-) the labialisation was transferred to the previous consonant.
