Notes: An interesting root, both phonetically (note the peculiar metathesis in PTs) and semantically (note the intricate semantic developments in PL; cf. also an interesting development "peach" > "fruit stone" - not vice versa - in Akhv.). It is hard to establish the precise meaning in PNC: the only obvious fact is that the root denoted some kind of a foliage tree, which was often used for construction purposes (cf. the meanings in Tsezian and Lezghian languages) and probably resembled a peach-tree (cf. the meaning in Av.).
See Abdokov 1983, 109 (Akhv. : Kab.; Chech. lag, also cited by the author, has no relation to the present root).
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. As with many cultural terms, correspondences are not quite regular: the medial resonant has to be postulated (to account for the development * q_ > q: in PL; otherwise *q would be expected); however, in the case of medial *-n- we would rather expect a change *monq > *noq in PN. One can not exclude a possibility of ancient interlingual loans, which have led to distortion of regular sound laws in this case.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. From Avar the word had been borrowed into some Tsezian languages: cf. Inkh., Bezht. muq 'row, stripe'. The Lak. word fits well phonetically, but is somewhat far semantically: we should probably think of a development "stripe" > "thick thread" > "thread of high quality".
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. In PTs the medial -w- probably was lost rather early (otherwise we should expect *-χ- in cluster with a previous resonant); otherwise correspondences are quite regular (Lak. huru regularly < *muhuru with loss of the initial *mV-). The root is often accompanied by *-rV (in PN, Lak., PL) which must be here a former plural suffix.
Notes: Except for the metathesis in PA (*χimi-r < *miχi-r), all correspondences are regular. It is possible that the word is an old derivate (with the instrumental prefix *m-) from the verb *=ĭχ_V 'to carry' (q.v.). In this case Ub. mǝχ-mǝ́q is the only trace of this verbal root (otherwise completely lost) in WC.
Notes: A good common NC root. It is often accompanied by the suffixed *-rV (in PTs, Lak., PD and PL). Lak. quru regularly < *mVquru. The only irregularity is a metathesis in PTs (which is a frequent phenomenon). Note that Khin. maχar 'woman's breast' is a loan from Shakh-Dagh.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Cf. also Hurr. mari(j)-annǝ 'chariot driver', Urart. marǝ 'one of the social groups' - an important social term, not borrowed (as sometimes supposed) from Indo-Aryan (see Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 21).
Notes: In EC languages the root suffers some irregular transformations - possibly, because of taboo considerations. The EC-WC comparison seems quite probable (with a secondary dissimilative development *šʷ- > *š- in WC), if the PAK form really goes back to a PWC form with hushing *š- (unfortunately, there are no AA and Ub. data, which would verify it).
See Abdokov 1983, 102 (Tsez. šem: WC; Av. ʕansí 'snow-drift', also cited by the author, belongs to quite a different root).
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Semantical changes are normal ("place"/"house"/"bed"/"table"). Correspondences are regular (the root demonstrates a rather rare PEC structure *RCVRV̆, behaving just like *HCVRV̆).
Notes: Phonetically - except for the usual metathesis - the correspondence is quite plausible; the root is accompanied by suffixes (*-ɫV, -*rV or both) in PTs, Lak. and PD (PD *murč̣ is a development of *muč̣(V)-rV, just like murs: q.v. < *mus:V-rV). The original meaning must have been 'stick, wood' (preserved in most languages), with a development > 'leg' in PTs (cf., characteristically, both meanings at once in Bezht.), and, further, 'leg(s)' > 'groin' in Lak.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are regular (Lak. qa < *muqa with a regular loss of *mu-). The regular reflex of *mūqV in PTs is *miχV; thus another root, PTsKh *maqa 'barley' (Tsez., Gin., Inkh. maqa) must be considered as a loanword. The most probable source for it is Proto-Kartvelian *maqa ( ~ -χ-); see Klimov 1964, 130 about this root, which itself can be a loanword from some PEC dialect.
