Notes: An expressive reduplicated NC root (one of a series of roots with the structure *KwVrV / *KwVrKV meaning 'round, circular'). Cf. especially the PNC verbal root *=ăḳŭr 'to roll, rotate'. The Khin. word may be borrowed from Kryz.
Notes: An Av.-And.-Tsez isogloss with somewhat confused correspondences, thus not very reliable. Initial uvular (instead of an expected velar) in PTs may be explained by contamination with another PEC root, *q̇winV q.v.
Notes: An expressive reduplicated stem, reconstructed for the PEC level. Its reflexes mean for the most part 'woodpecker', but occasionally denote other birds similar in shape and size (hoopoe, partridge).
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. In PTs we would rather expect *-r-; this must be a rare case of *r/l variation in PGB (this feature is much more common in PTsKh). However, despite this, it seems impossible to separate the PTs form from the PA and PN.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Except for the Lak. vowel (-i- instead of -a- or -u-; perhaps the Lak. form suggests rather something like *ḳ_ħǝwri, in which case the -i-reflex would be understandable), the correspondences are regular.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Despite some expressive transformations, correspondences are basically regular and the root seems reliable.
The root was borrowed into Kumyk from some Caucasian language: Kum. kurägä 'apricot', whence it was loaned back into some EC languages (Tsez., Gin., Bezht., Gunz. kurak, Darg. Chir. qurek:a 'apricot') and Russian (курага).
Notes: The root should be kept distinct from PEC *q̇_wič̣V / *č̣_iq̇wV q.v., although they are constantly contaminating with each other (see the discussion under *q̇_wič̣V).
Similar forms are spread in Kartvelian languages: Georg. ḳuč̣i 'intestines, stomach of birds', Svan. ḳvič̣ 'bird's crop, craw'. A Kartvelian loan is Osset. gūc̣a "bird's crop; throat". See Bouda 1950, 294; Abayev 1958, 526 (he also links And. ʁʷaʁʷači "belly" which does not belong here); Shagirov 1, 217. However, Abayev's supposition about Iranian origin of Caucasian forms (cf. Sogd. qwč',kwč'k "mouth, throat", Kafir. kūc "belly") is hardly credible.
Notes: A reconstruction *ḳ_wɨ̆nhV (with secondary assimilation > *ḳ_wɨ̆mhV in PEC and metathesis > *nhɨ̆ḳ_wV > *naq̇ʷa in PWC) is also not excluded. The Nakh form here is questionable (it can belong here only if PN *ṭq̇ can really reflect PEC *ḳw which is somewhat dubious); all other forms belong together with a high degree of probability.
Notes: A reduplicated root with assimilative / dissimilative processes. Despite them, the etymology seems rather probable.
A similar root exists in WC: PWC *ḳʷaχ́IV 'to knead, mix' (PAA *ḳʷVħa- > Abkh. á-ḳʷaħa-ra, Abaz. ḳʷħa-ra 'to knead', PAK *ḳʷǝħa- > Ad. (zaxaʁa)-ḳʷǝħa-n 'to mix'), but the uvular -χ́I- here is a serious obstacle for the EC-WC comparison (unless we suppose that the the original form underwent assimilation as early as in PEC).
Notes: An Av.-Tsez. isogloss. There is an interesting (reduplicated or suffixed) HU parallel: Hurr. kanagi 'mastix (tree)' ( > Akkad. kanak-tu), kanag-itχi 'mastix resin'. See Diakonoff-Starostin 1986, 56. In some languages (in particular, PL) the root could have merged with the reflexes of *bħĭnḳ_wV q.v.
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Although not very widely spread, seems both semantically and phonetically reliable (in Av. there occurred an assimilation in glottalisation - *ḳ- > k-).
Notes: An And-Darg. isogloss. The phonetic development in Andian languages seems to be the same as in PA *c̣aʔi 'rain' < *c̣_ădV q.v. (perhaps *-d- > PA *-ʔ-(-j-) before *-i? - but there are too few examples for stating this rule firmly).
