Комментарии: Cf. also Kub. q̇inṭq̇a. The Darg. dialectal forms represent an original compound *q̇aIt:-mVk:a; the meaning of the second part is obscure, but the whole compound is exactly parallel to Lezgian forms like Tab. (Düb.) q̇Iurdu-maga, Ag. (Shaumyan) q̇ürdmag 'hedgehog'.
Комментарии: Cf. also Ur. q̇ama 'hairdo', Tsud. q̇ama id., Kub., Tsud. ʁal-q̇ama 'mane'. Lak. q̇ama 'mane' is probably borrowed from Darg. The suffixed form *q̇am-či > *q̇ači is reflected in Kait., Kharb. q̇ači, Kub. q̇ače 'braid, plait'.
Комментарии: Cf. also Ur., Muir., Kub. q̇anc̣, Kait. q̇ac̣ id. This Dargwa word (historically a derivate from **-anc̣a 'sour' with the adjectival prefix *q̇(a)-) was widely borrowed in neighbour languages: Av. q̇:anc̣a, (probably through Avar) > Arch. q̇anc̣a, Chech. q̇onza. The original meaning 'sour, to be sour' is preserved in the Archi loanword q̇anc̣- 'sour, to be sour'.
Комментарии: Cf. also Ur. q̇aq̇ari id. [Kub. q̇aχ:a 'throat', although similar, is perhaps a result of contamination with another root, reflected in PL as *q:uχ (cf. Lezg. Akht. q:uχ 'top (of boot)', Tab. Düb. q:uχ 'throat', Ag. Bursh. ʁuχ 'Adam's apple', ʁuχ-ar 'throat' - if only all these forms are not assimilated from *k:uχ, cf. variants with an initial velar: Lezg. lit. k:uχ 'top (of boot)', Ag. Fit. guχ 'throat'.]
Комментарии: Cf. also Ur., Tsud. q̇Iaca etc. A probable Darg. loanword is Lak. q̇aIca (Khosr. q̇Iaca) 'he-goat' (if the Lak. word were genuine, we would rather expect an -u- vowel).
