Comment: The expedition materials on Rutul contain a word Rut. Luch. jis-dɨ, Ikhr. jiseji-d, Shin. jis-dɨ 'cold' which could be related to the Udi word (cf. an analogous relation between *jis:V- and *jis:V-rV- > *s:VrV- 'old, year' q.v.). But I strongly suspect that the meaning 'cold' here is a misspelling for 'old' and thus has nothing to do with the Udi form. This must be checked once more. Nevertheless, the Udi word seems to have reliable external parallels and thus must be considered an archaism.
Comment: 4th class in both languages. Despite metathesis in Rut., the comparison is quite probable: cf. the external evidence and note that the meanings "gullet, throat" and "top of boot" are sometimes interchangeable (cf., e.g. Lezg. q:uχ meaning both).
Comment: Cf. also Lezg. Khl. šanḳur 'young of a donkey'. An expressive root with irregular changes. Strength of initial *š- unknown (the word is absent in the Bursh. dialect of Agul which preserves the distinction).
Comment: Cf. also Rut. Ams. šim 'small stone', Ag. Bursh. š:im. The Kryz. form raises doubts (suffixation is unclear); cf. also the Khin. loan čɨnʁɨl with unclear (archaic?) č-. 4th class in Kryz. and Rut. Judging from the Udi form (reflecting *ä), the original paradigm had been dir. *š:äm, obl. *š:imV-; in most languages the former oblique base became direct.
Comment: Labialized vowel in Udi and Tsakh. is secondary (probably due to a contraction *-i + class marker). Mostly used in conjunction with other interrogative stems, like *ʎ:ʷi-š:i,*hi-š:i; but. cf. Tab. erg. ši-li, Ag. Bursh. erg. š:e (nom. u-š:).
See Алексеев 1985,74 (this stem is to be distinguished from another PL interrogative pronoun, *šʷi q.v.).
Comment: Cf. also Lezg. Akht., Khl. šḳi. The Rut. form (which is from the Khniukh dialect) and the Tsakh. form are partially reduplicated, and have the suffix *-Vla (as opposed to *-Vj in the Lezg.-Tab. area). An irregular modification of the same stem is possibly Ag. Bursh. ḳuč̣ḳuč̣aj 'sweetbrier'.
Comment: Cf. also Lezg. Kur. žɨṭ (pointing to *š:-). 3d class in all class-distinguishing languages.
One of several insect names, actively contaminating with each other. Kryz. šuṭ and Bud. šuṭ clearly point to *š:uṭ (with *-ṭ). However, Lezg. dialectal forms and Rut. seem to indicate PL *-c̣: (cf. Lezg. Khl. šɨt, pl. št:-ar, Rut. šit with -t) - this is due to contamination with PL *š:ʷäc̣: 'midge, mosquito' q.v. Finally, Tsakh. šin and the Bud. variant šud are results of contamination with PL *č̣un: "flea" (Tsakh. č̣in, Bud. č̣id) q.v.
