Comment: Cf. Lezg. erg. tiṗ-re (this, together with Tab. ṭip:-ru and Rut. ṭɨb-ɨr- points to a PL oblique base in *-rV-). 3d class in Rut. and Kryz. Since the root is not preserved in Arch., Tsakh. or Udi, it is impossible to distinguish between PL *-m:- and *-p:-; external evidence is strongly in favour of *-m:-.
Meaning:1 leathern foot-wear 2 soft slippers for children
Lezghian:ṭiriχ-ar 1
Tabasaran:ṭirχ 1
Agul:ṭiriχ 2
Comment: Cf. also Tab. Khür. ṭiriχ 'leathern foot-wear'. The vowel *-ɨ- (not -i-) must be reconstructed to account for lack of palatalisation (ṭ > c̣ or č̣) in Lezg. and Tab.
Comment: Obl. stem *ṭonä- (besides the Tsakh. form cf. also Lezg., Tab. ṭuna-, Rut. ṭɨna-). 4th class in Arch., but 3d class in all other class-distinguishing languages.
Comment: A complicated root, partly reduplicated, partly provided with a suffix *-ul. Some languages (Lezg., Ag.) reflect a variant with front vocalism (*ṭim:iṭ, with regular palatalisation in Lezg.). In Inlaut Lezg., Ag., Tsakh., Arch. and Ud. reflect PL *-m:-; however, Tab., Rut. and Bud. reflect a weakened variant *-m- (in Bud. with a secondary epenthetic -b-). Bud. > Khin. ṭumbol 'damson' (Ud. damp:ul 'plum' is also an old loan from Shakh-Dagh languages). All these complicated interrelationships probably reflect active interborrowing of this important cultural term; there is, however, little doubt in the genuine character of the root as a whole.
We should also note Av. Andal. ṭimiṭ 'besom': this may be an old loan from some Lezgian language (explained by using grape branches for sweeping).
Comment: Obl. stem *ṭʷelä-, cf. Tab. ṭuli-, Ag. ṭuli-, Tsakh. ṭele. The meaning 'rib' occurs normally only in compounds (Rut. begid ṭul, Tsakh. muɣlena ṭele), but in Agul it also occurs separately. Somewhat dubious is the Ud. form (with metathesis and an obscure a- in Anlaut). The word belongs to the 3d class in Rut. and Tsakh., but to the 4th class in Kryz. and Bud.
Comment: Cf. also Lezg. erg. werge-di, Khl. werg,wergi, Tab. Düb. warži 'nettle'. 4th class in Arch. It is necessary to reconstruct *-l- because of the liquid's preservation in Archi (*-r- would have disappeared before a velar). The Tsakh. form may belong here if we suppose a PL variant *u_eng (with the shift -l->-n- and further assimilation *ueng > meg).
Comment: One of several body part names with probable class prefixation (the Lezg. form points to *r- as opposed to other languages reflecting *u-). 3d class in Rut., Tsakh. and Kryz.
Comment: Cf. also Lezg. Khl. c̣ɨ-d, Ag. Bursh. jic̣u-r. Some forms (especially Rut. and Bud.) rather go back to PL *jic̣ɨ- (with another class prefix); some forms can go back to both *u_ic̣ɨ- and *jic̣ɨ- (with neutralisation of *u_- and *j- before *-i-).
PL *u_ic̣ɨ- has lost the Inlaut resonant *-n-, possibly under the influence of *u_ilč̣ʷɨ- 'nine'. The original form *uinc̣ɨ-, however, is reflected in the Archi form moc̣o-r - a modification of the numeral 'ten' used in compounds (moc̣or s:ejṭu 'eleven', moc̣or q̇Iʷeṭu 'twelve' etc.).
Comment: Cf. also Lezg. Khl. č̣u-d, Tab. Düb. hurč̣u-w, Ag. Bursh. jerč̣̌u-r, Fit. jerḳü-d, Burk. jerč̣uI-d. The resonant -r- before the hushing -č̣- in Tab. and Ag. points to PL *-l- (PL *-r- would have remained in all languages except Udi). Pharyngealization in Ag. (also in Tsakhur in the latest MSU recordings: juIč̣u-lle) may be archaic (a trace of the old laryngeal). Arch. č̣ʷi 'ninety' < *č̣iwi < (with metathesis) *u_ilč̣ʷɨ-j.
Comment: Cf. also Lezg. Khl. jut:ʷar 'grain'. The Ag. form is a result of reinterpreting the form udar as containing a plural suffix -ar (but cf. also the preserved archaic plural udar-ar). 3d class in Bud., but 4th class in Kryz. Without the Arch. evidence both *w- and *u- are possible in PL.
