Comment: Cf. also Tab. Kand. ǯiχir, Düb. ǯaχIar; Ag. Bursh., Burk., Tp. ǯeχer, Fit. ǯiχir; Tsakh. Gelm. ǯɨχIajä. 4th class in Arch., but 3d class in all other class-distinguishing languages.
Pharyngealisation must certainly be reconstructed for PL; however, it was lost (neutralised before a front vowel) in the Tab.-Ag. area (otherwise in Ag. dialects we would have reflexes X̀/ħ), reappearing later in the same position in a number of dialects (Tab. Düb., Ag. Rich.).
The most archaic root structure is preserved in Tsakh. (Gelm. ǯɨχIajä), pointing to the PL *-a-Auslaut (with the obl. base *χIerä-). The Arch. form has a suffixed -t, either inherited from the PEC variant *qHǖr-di, or, more probably, under the influence of the Lak. form quIrt.
As for the strange first part *ǯu- (usually yielding regularly ǯV- or žV-, but devoiced in the first weak syllable before a voiceless *χI in Lezg., Ag. Rich. and Bud.), it is most probable that we deal with a compound *ǯum-χIera "quince"+"pear" with the first component distorted.
See Trubetzkoy 1930, 84; Лексика 1971, 162; Гигинейшвили 1977, 92.
Comment: Tab., Ag. (cf. also Fit. χebüq) and Arch. reflect an original locative form (in the evening). The word belongs to the 3d class in Tsakh., but to the 4th in Arch. Cf. Лексика 1971, 181.
Comment: In Auslaut it is possible to reconstruct both *-n: (with secondary unvoicing *-n: > *-d > -t in the Rutul dialect) and *-t:, but external evidence speaks in favour of the first solution.
Comment: Cf. also Lezg. erg. ʁet:re; Lezg. Khl. χIäd; Tab. Khan. χI:är; Ag. Tp. ʕad (all forms point unanimously to *χI:-, thus qI in the Arch. form - which is a compound with χI:olo-š- 'in the sky' - must be secondary, due to dissimilation after a fricative). Final -č̣ in Kryz. and Bud. is obviously due to assimilation before a front vowel (the obl. base in PL had been *χIan:ä-) which later got lost (the same is true for the Tab. Kand. form χIaǯ), although reasons for its glottalisation are less obvious. See Магометов 1966, 342.
Comment: For the semantic development in Rut. and Tsakh. cf., e.g., Slav. *govьno < I.-E. *gʷou- 'cow'. Most languages reflex a derivate with a common PL suffix *-j (*χIonV-j).
[Another possible solution is to keep the Rut. and Tsakh. forms separate and compare them with PN *qo 'dung' > Chech., Ing., Bacb. qo. This seems, however, less probable because of the obvious complementary distribution of 'dung' and 'cow' among Lezghian languages.]
Comment: Cf. also Ag. Fit. χIur, Burk. X̀ar, Tp. ħür, Lezg. Khl. χür. Obl. base *χIorä- (cf. the Tsakh. form and also Ag. X̀uri-). 4th class in Arch., but 3d class in Tsakh. The meaning in Tsakhur is interesting and, perhaps, archaic.
Comment: Since the Arch. word is isolated within Lezg., it may be an old Lak. loanword (cf. the Lak. form qIurč̣u). It is interesting to note, however, that in Tab. (Kand.) the word q̇Ianč: ( < PL *q̇Iʷanč̣: 'young of an ass') means also 'heifer (more than 2 y. old)' which is probably a result of contamination of two similar roots: *q̇Iʷanč̣: and *χIVrč̣-.
Comment: 3d class in Rut., but 4th class in Arch. and Tsakh. Besides the Archi form with q- there is a number of other dialectal forms with a uvular affricate: Ag. q̇ʷaḳi, Rut. qinḳij-bɨr, Tsakh. q̇ɨnḳ-al, which is all rather strange (all external parallels point to a PEC fricative).
Meaning:1 armful 2 handful 3 hand, arm 4 palm of hand
Lezghian:ʁab 2
Tabasaran:χab 1
Agul:χab 1
Kryz:χäb 3
Budukh:χab 4
Udi:maχIa 2,4 (Nidzh.)
Comment: Obl. base *χ:am:ɨ-, cf. Lezg. ʁap:u-, Tab. χaba-. Cf. also Tab. Khür. χ:aw, Ag. Bursh. χ:aw (pointing to *χ:-). 4th class in Kryz. and Bud. The Ud. form is metathesized (just as in the root for "nail" q.v.).
