Comment: The -(b)uχ in Ud. (a form ču-huχ also exists) is an original plural suffix. Vocalism is hard to establish because of the root's rarity within Lezgian.
Comment: The Rut. form (with -u-) is interesting, suggesting that the original PL form may have been *kawč. Obl. base *ka(w)ča- (cf. Lezg. kča-, Tab. kača-, Ag. kača-). 3d class in all class-distinguishing languages.
Tsakh. gože must be kept apart from this root (see *gwăǯē).
Comment: Arch. ok < *kaj just like oc̣ < *c̣aj etc. (a regular process). Although the root is attested only in Arch., it has probable external parallels.
Comment: In Lezg. the second consonant was assimilated and lost glottalisation (cf. also erg. kantu-ni). 4th class in all class-distinguishing languages. Obl. stem *kanṭɨ- (cf. Ag. Fit. kanṭ,kanṭu-; Rut. kánṭi-; these forms could also point to *kanṭe-, but this is less probable, because in that case we would expect a palatalisation of *-ṭ in Lezg. and Kryz.).
Comment: Labialization in Ag. Burk. kerkʷ is secondary - from the oblique base kerku-). The Ag. and Lezg. information (Ag. kirku-, Lezg. kike) is insufficient for establishing the PL vowel base.
Meaning:1 basket for hay 2 big wooden chest for grain
Lezghian:kud (Khl.) 1
Rutul:kid 1
Budukh:kud 1,2
Comment: In Lezg. (Khl.) there exists also a derivate kʷt-kun with the same meaning, but with a not quite clear second component; in lit. Lezg. only kutkun is attested. The Rut. form kid clearly points to labialisation not on the first, but on the second consonant in PL (which caused labialisation of the vowel in Lezg. and Bud.).
Comment: PL oblique base *kic̣ɨ- or *kic̣e- (cf. Lesg. kic̣i-, Rut. c̣iḳi-).In Rut. there occurred a metathesis and assimilation (due to the expressive nature of the root). The original meaning was probably 'small, young (of animals)'.
Comment: The Lezg. and Ag. forms go back to a dissimilated variant *tikʷ < *kikʷ (the Tab. form, going back to *kikʷV-j, is more archaic in this case).
Comment: Cf. also Tab. Düb. kuš 'plait, long hair', Lezg. Khl. küš 'plait' (erg. küšʷ-éni). A dialectal variant of the same root is probably Lezg. kuš 'flax'.
Comment: The Lezg. form has a secondary voicing geṭe < *ḳiṭe < *kɨṭV-j (cf. dialectal forms: Kur., Kub., Akht. ḳeṭe). It is not quite clear (because of vocalic considerations) whether we should relate here also Lezg. ḳaṭ 'big wooden box for grain', Khl. ḳaṭ-kun 'basket'.
Comment: An expressive nominal suffix (cf. Lezg. furfal-ag 'whipping top (children's toy)', Tab. sum-ag 'small lamb' (from *s:äm 'lamb') etc. A variant *-k(a) is probably reflected in Lezg. -k (bic̣i-k 'a small one' from bic̣i 'small' etc.). See Aлексеев 1985, 111, 114.
Comment: Cf. also Lezg. Khl. k:ac:aj, Tab. Düb. gaʒu, and some reduplicated forms: Tab. gazgaz 'hoe', Düb. geʒgeʒe id. 3d class in Tsakh. and Bud., but 4th class in Rut.
See Bokaryov 1961, 62; Лексика 1971, 173; Гигинейшвили 1977, 79.
Meaning:1 haystack, haycock 2 heap of dry dung 3 top
Rutul:gaṭi 1
Tsakhur:gaṭe 1
Kryz:gänǯ 1,2
Budukh:gǝnǯ 1,2
Archi:gaInṭi 1
Udi:k:at:až 3 (?)
Comment: Cf. also Tsakh. Gelm. gaIṭi. Kryz. gänǯ < *gändi (with assimilation) < *gaInṭij (the same concerns the Bud. form). 3d class in all class-distinguishing languages.
