Comment: Cf. also Lezg. Khl. k:ap:ač 'hand', Rut. Khniukh. kaba-q̇an, Ag. Burk. gap 'palm of hand'. -ač/-aš in Lezg. and Kryz. are expressive suffixes. The word belongs to the 4th class in Rut. and Kryz. Reflexes reveal a variation of laryngeal features, common for roots of this type (with two stops).
Comment: Cf. also Ag. Bursh. guru (with a *-j-suffix) 'scab; pimple' and, with reduplication, Kryz. gɨrgɨr 'boil, furuncle' (probably reflecting the Ablaut grade *k:or).
Comment: 3d class in all class-distinguishing languages. Obl. stem *k:ašä- (cf. Lezg. k:aša-, Ag. gaši-, Rut. gaša-). Cf. also Ag. Fit. gašin-t 'greedy' ( < 'hungry').
Comment: Cf. also Lezg. Khl. k:ac (k:aci-), Ag. Bursh. getʷ. 3d class in all class-distinguishing languages.
The final *-j is clearly seen in forms like Tab. Kand. plur. gatuj-ir. The original disyllabic structure of the root is evident from the Lezg., Kryz. and Bud. forms, where the dental *t was palatalized before a front vowel (*-tij > Lezg. -ci, Kryz., Bud. -či). Afterwards the final -i in these languages (also in Rut.) was reinterpreted as the oblique stem vowel and was lost in the direct base.
The forms reveal a variation of reflexes (*a or *ä in the first syllable, *u or *i - in the second). The most probable solution is to reconstruct an original protoform like *k:ätuj (with different directions of vowel assimilation in later reflexes); thus the most archaic is the modern Ag. (Bursh.) form getʷ. It is interesting to note that the root even has traces of old Ablaut *ä/*i, cf. Rut. gät, obl. git-ɨrɨ-.
See Бокарев 1961, 62; Лексика 1971, 153; Гигинейшвили 1977, 79-80.
Comment: 3d class in all class-distinguishing languages. Obl. base *k:imɨ- (Lezg. k:imi-, Tab., Ag. gimi-, Rut. gima-, Tsakh. Mishl. gimɨ-). The Shakhdagh and Udi languages (cf. also Tsakh. proper gim-ga) possibly reflect a compound with Pers. gah 'place' as the second part (in this case the form *gimgah had spread from one of these languages into others rather recently).
Comment: Attested only in lit. Lezg. (thus it is not clear, whether the word has initial k:- or k- - the opposition not being stated in the Lezghi-Russian dictionary), with a probable parallel in Lak.
Comment: Obl. base *k:[ɨ]ṭa- (cf. Tsakh. gɨṭe-). 3d class in Tsakh., but 4th class in Rut. In Ag. there occurred an assimilation in glottalisation. Vocalism is not quite clear.
Comment: 4th class in Rut. and Tsakh. (in Tsakh. free variants exist: gɨmɨl',gumɨl' and gumul'). Note the peculiar semantic shift: 'cloud' > 'damp,cold' > 'rheumatism'.
Comment: Cf. also Lezg. Khl. grc:al 'threshhold', Ag. Burk. k:urzal 'ladder' (this form and Lezg. gürc:el,grc:al reflect rather PL *g- than *k:-), Rut. Khniukh. rigizan 'door-post'. Rutul reflects a compound with rak (obl. rigi-) 'door' (*rig-gɨnzal with further non-phonetic transformations of the long compound). Ud. k:ac:k:al is probably a metathesis < *k:ac:Vl-ak: with a diminutive suffix.
Comment: In some dialects the Lezg. root also means 'egg' (in general). The root should be distinguished (although partial contamination is occurring) from Lezg. k:ak:a 'egg' q.v.
Comment: Cf. also Arch. erg. gunne (for PL *-n:), Ud. (MSU) k:üjün. 4th class in Archi. An important Arch.-Ud. isogloss, lost in other Lezgian languages.
