Comment: Cf. also Tab. Khan. jülʒ 'clay' (demonstrating the original *j; the lit. form lurz (as well as Ag. Bursh. lurz) is obviously a development < *lolc: < *lojc: with assimilation); Rut. lɨzɨ-d 'dough'. The Kryz. word is a result of contamination with PL *lac:V- 'white' (q.v.), reflected as läzi in Kryz proper. The closely related Budukh language makes a clear distinction between lǝzu 'white' and luzu 'clay'.
Comment: The vowel *o became regularly fronted before the lateral in all attested languages (*o is to be assumed because of the Tsakh. shift l- > v-). Oblique base *loʎa- or *loʎe- (on basis of Tsakh. vixe-). 3d class in all languages. Cf. Хайдаков 1973,19.
Comment: Cf. also Lezg. Kur. lurs-ar 'sorrel'. In PL labialisation of consonants was neutralized after -o-, thus *lors: may be reconstructed as well. 3d class in Rutul, but 4th class in Kryz. and Bud. Obl. stem unclear.
Comment: Cf. also Tab. Düb. liǯi, Kand. liǯ 'flock', Ag. Bursh. liǯ, Burk. luǯ 'herd'. Oblique base unknown (only forms with consonantal obl. base markers are attested).
Comment: The morpheme is very frequent in Lezg. languages. It is, first of all, used as an adverbial stem with the meaning "up, above" (in Arch. as a compound with the pronominal stem ja-) (besides Tsakh. ali-d, Arch. jat and Ud. ala cf. also Bud. la-χa). Second, in several languages it is used as a spatial preverb ("above, from above etc.") (Lezg., Ag., Tab., less frequently in Rut.). In most languages it is also used as a locative suffix of the series Super ("above smth."), cf. Lezg. -al/-el, Tab. -ʔil (a dialectal form, in lit. Tab. -ʔin with secondary nasalisation), Ag. -l, Rut. -l (with semantic transformations: presently it is used within the elative marker -l-a / -ɨl-a), Arch. -t / -t:i. Finally, in some languages *lV (*ʔal:V-) became just a demonstrative pronoun "that" or "this" (which is obviously a late semantic development < "that (above the speaker)"), thus in Ag. li 'that', Kryz. li 'this', Bud. al(ad) 'that'. See Aлексеев 1985, 75.
Comment: PL paradigm: *Łä-n, obl. *Ła-, gen. -iŁ (cf. Tab. gen. ix, Ag. gen. iš, Arch. obl. la-, gen. -el, Kryz. obl. jä-, Bud. obl. jǝ-, Ud. obl. ja-). In Rut., Bud. and Ud. this has become the only personal pronoun of the 1st person pl. In Arch. the form nen is obviously dissimilated from *len < *Łä-n.
Comment: For the obl. base cf. Tsakh. mahIɨ-. 3d class in Rut., Tsakh., 4th class in Arch. A similar root exists in Turkic languages, but the possibility of borrowing is excluded (first, because the root has secure correspondences in other Dagestanian languages; second, because in Turkish and Azeri - the possible source of borrowing - the word sounds bejin).
Meaning:1 juniper 2 a k. of thorny grass (астрагал)
Lezghian:mažʷ 2
Agul:maIržʷ 1
Comment: Cf. Lezg. pl. mač:ʷ-ar; Ag. Bursh. merǯ̌ 'nettle' (the meaning obviously influenced by PL *maIč: 'nettle' which is a quite different root). PL *-l- is reconstructed to account for the loss of resonant in Lezg. (*-r- would have remained in this environment).
Comment: Cf. also Tab. Düb. marʒi 'clean', Arch. marc̣: as 'to clean' (for *-c̣:-). In Udi we have mac:i 'white' ( < *maIrc̣:ɨ-), but ac:ar 'clean'; the latter reflects the original verbal structure *Hac̣:V(m)-.
See Бокарев 1961, 71; Лексика 1971, 227; Гигинейшвили 1977, 107.
Comment: Cf. also Tab. Düb. marč:a. Obl. stem not clear; pharyngealization is unambiguously suggested by Ag. Bursh. -ä-. An important Tab.-Ag. isogloss.
Comment: Cf. also Ag. Bursh. maIrš, Tsakh. Gelm. maIš (gen. maIšaI-n), proving the weak character of PL *-š. The word belongs to 4th class in Tsakh.; PL obl. stem is not quite clear.
