Значение:1 stone trough for watering cattle 2 spring
Лезгинский:lat 1
Табасаранский:lat 2
Рутульский:lat 1 (Khniukh.)
Цахурский:lat 1 (Tsakh.)
Комментарий: Cf. also Tab. Kand. lat 'stone trough'. Obl. base *lata-, cf. Tab., Lezg. lata- (the Tsakh. Tsakh. oblique base latɨ- is secondary). 3d class in Rut. and Tsakh.
Комментарий: In Tsakh. the form is reduplicated (under influence of zɨlzam 'spleen' q.v.). In Kryz. there occurred an irregular change *läq̇ä-n > läħkän under influence of läħä 'black' (the form actually means 'black liver', cf. the same combination in Bud.). 4th class in all class-distinguishing languages.
See Бокарев 1961, 60; Лексика 1971, 122; Гигинейшвили 1977, 104.
Комментарий: Attested only in Rut., but having probable external parallels. Rut. -a- normally goes back to PL *a, but in a stressless position (in a disyllabic word) can probably also reflect *ä.
Комментарий: The Tab. and Ag. forms reflect a compound *kʷil-läχa with *kʷil- 'hand' q.v.; cf. also (with assimilation) Tab. Düb. quliq 'bracelet' - and possibly also, with further suffixation and assimilatory processes - Ud. q:oχl-ang 'bracelet'.
Комментарий: Cf. also Lezg. Khl. liʔ, Tab. Düb. liʔi. In Tsakh. there is an obscure suffix -ḳʷa (cf. Darg. Chir. diḳʷa 'skin of cattle'?). Obl. base *leʔɨ- (cf. Khl. liʔi-, Ag. leʔu-); 4th class in all class-distinguishing languages. The root primarily means 'skin of cattle' (only in Kryz. it designates 'skin' in general).
Комментарий: Both Tab. and Ag. reflect a compound *ʎ:ep:ɨ-lerṭʷ (with *ʎ:ep: 'foundation' as the first component). Cf. also Tab. Düb. šarwaṭa (with metathesis < šaw-raṭa) and especially Khür. š:aw-luṭ 'foundation', preserving the original l- and pointing directly to PL *lerṭʷ (in other dialects l- > r- under the influence of *-r-).
Комментарий: Cf. also Lezg. Khl. läIq̇, Tab. Düb. luq̇Iu, Ag. Bursh. laq̇I, Fit. lürq̇I (with a secondary -r-), Burk. laʡ, Tp. leʡ, Arch. pl. loq̇I-or. 3d class in Rut. and Arch.
Комментарий: Cf. also Lezg. Khl. lif, Tab. Düb. luf, Ag. Bursh. luf (all forms pointing to weak *-ʎʷ- in PL). PL *-r- before laterals disappears in Rut., Tsakh.; the fact that they have -r- here, plus nasalisation l- > n- in the Gelm. dialect (cf. also Rut. Ikhr. nurfäj) point undoubtedly to medial *-n- in PL. The word has a very strange shape (if it belongs here at all) in other Tsakh. dialects: Tsakh. qIɨnerke, Mik. qIɨnēke (unclear is the syllable qIɨ- and the reflex -k-). 3d class in Rut. and Tsakh., but 4th class in Kryz.
