Comment: Obl. base *ji(m)c:a- (cf. Tsakh. jize-, Gelm. jiza-). Medial *-m- can not be postulated on Lezghian evidence (the root is not attested in Arch. or Tab.), but nothing contradicts its reconstruction, suggested by the external evidence. 4th class in all class-distinguishing languages.
Comment: 4th class in all class-distinguishing languages. The obl. base is unclear (the only known vocalic obl. base for this root is Rut. Khniukh. juq̇a-).
Comment: Cf. also Ag. Burk. jaχʷ 'fat (on meat)'. For PL *χ: cf. Arch. erg. inχ:i. 4th class in all languages. -n- in Arch. is the regular reflex of *-m- (in this position -n- lacks in Arch.). Pharyngealization in Tsakh. is not clear (probably secondary, since none of other languages reflects it).
Comment: Cf. also Lezg. Khl. jɨʁ, Tab. Düb. jiq:i, Ag. Bursh. jaʕ, Burk. jaʁ etc. 4th class in all class-distinguishing languages. Obl. base *jiq:a- (cf. Lezg. jiq:a-, Khl. jɨq:a-, Tab. jiʁa-, Rut. jiʁa-, Tsakh. jɨʁɨ-, Kryz. jiʁa-). The Ud. form ʁi is either metathesized or reflects the PL adverbial *q:i (see below).
Lezghian languages reflect also the adverbial form *q:i / *q:ä 'by day; today': Lezg. q:e, Tab. ʁi, Rut. ʁi-ʁa, Tsakh. ʁi-ńa, Kryz. q:e, Bud. q:e, Ud. ʁe 'today', Arch. qi 'by day'.
Comment: Cf. also Ag. Bursh. jirX̀a-s, Tp. jirħa-s, Rut. dur. =ɨ-rɨχIa-r. In Rut. and Tsakh. the vowel -ɨ- can either reflect PL *i before a pharyngealized consonant or the Ablaut grade *-ɨ- (in Ag. -a- is a result of assimilation, cf. the more archaic forms in Ag. Bursh. and Tp.).
The root has also a nominal derivate meaning 'wound' (a usual semantic development in NC languages): PL *jirχIo-na (Ag. jarX̀un, Rut. jiχIɨn, Tsakh. oχIna).
Comment: The nominal stem *jis,*jis:a- (cf. also Tab. Düb. jizi, Ag. Bursh. is:) means "year"; its adjectival derivate (often in suffixed form: *jis:V-rV-, sometimes metathesized as is usual with adjectives) means "old" which is a common semantic shift (cf. also external evidence).
See Лексика 1971, 182; Хайдаков 1973, 110; Талибов 1980, 314.
Comment: Cf. also Lezg. Khl. žiw, Tab. Düb., Ulz. jif, Ag. Bursh. jiš̌, Fit. ibx́, Burk. üx. Obl. base unclear. The Lezg. form is peculiar: it is metathesized (cf. an analagous metathesis in PN), and reflects rather tense *ʎ: or *ƛ: than *ʎ (Tab. and Ag. forms unambiguously point to a weak *ʎ in PL). This development is still to be explained.
Comment: The root is isolated in Udi, but seems to have reliable external parallels (the MSU recordings spell oč:Ii 'dirt', so it may be a different root after all).
Comment: The word is attested only in Archi, but is no doubt archaic. Several PL reconstructions are possible (with *j- or with *ʔ-, with *-r- or without it); external data favour *j- in PL.
