Нахская этимология : Результат запроса

Протонахский: *l-ēṭ-

Значение: to trickle, drip

Чеченский: lēd-

Комментарии: The verb lēd- is attested only in Chech. The same root (with a usual Ablaut *a/*ē) can be perhaps discovered in PN *k-aṭ- 'to mourn, bemoan' (Chech., Ing. kad-, Bacb. kaṭ-) - if the original meaning is 'to pour, drop (tears)'. A reduplicated stem *ṭaṭ-am 'drop' is reflected in Chech. ṭadam, Ing. ṭadam.

Протонахский: *lē-w- / *ʔāʎ-

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Значение: to say

Чеченский: lē-, āl-

Ингушский: le-, al-

Бацбийский: lev-, aʎ-

Комментарии: The PN paradigm is *ʔāʎ- (term.) vs. *lē-w- (with loss of initial vowel) (dur.). In Bacb. there also exists a secondary Ablaut stem law- "to talk to someone".

Протонахский: *l(ɦ)ēq̇

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Значение: quail

Чеченский: leq̇

Ингушский: leq̇

Комментарии: Cf. Chech. obl. lēq̇a-. 3d class in Chech., but 4th in Ing.

Протонахский: *l(ɦ)ōṭ ( ~ -ʕ-)

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Значение: waste of corn (corn lost during transportation)

Чеченский: lod

Комментарии: Obl. base lōda-. Attested only in Chech., but having probable external parallels.

Протонахский: *liṭṭ-

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Значение: to filter

Чеченский: litt-

Ингушский: litt-

Бацбийский: liṭṭ-

Комментарии: The verb stem is both terminative and durative in all languages.

Протонахский: *lo

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Значение: 1 basting, tacking 2 (sewing) pattern

Чеченский: lol 1

Ингушский: lo 2

Комментарии: Chech. obl. base lala-ra- (-l in lol is historically a suffix, as seen from the Ingush form).

Протонахский: *lōlu

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Значение: neighbour

Чеченский: lūla-χō

Ингушский: lɔla-χo

Комментарии: The vowel difference between Chech. and Ing. is explained by the former paradigm: dir. base *lōlu ( > Chech. lūla-), obl. base *lālu- ( > Ing. lɔla-). The root is used also in an adverbial function: Chech. lūla, Ing. lala 'in the neighbourhood'.

Протонахский: *lujsṭ

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Значение: 1 sheep's dung 2 thick, dense

Чеченский: lüst 1, lüsta 2

Ингушский: lista 2

Бацбийский: jupsṭĩ 2

Комментарии: The noun *lujsṭ must have meant 'thick, clayish substance' (whence 'dung' in Chech.). The Bacb. form is interesting, because it demonstrates the original *-j- which had been shifted to Anlaut (*lujsṭi-n > *ljuwsṭi-n > jupsṭĩ); another trace of PN *-j- here is the Chech. vowel -ü- in the direct stem lüst.

Abayev (1973, 57-58) considers the Nakh adjective to be borrowed from Osset. lɨst(äg) / list(äg) 'small, thin'. This is hardly the case because of the non-trivial phonetic structure of the Nakh root (the semantic side also raises doubts).

Протонахский: *lujsṭi-n

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Значение: dense, close, thick

Чеченский: lüsta

Ингушский: lista

Бацбийский: jupsṭĩ

Комментарии: The Bacb. form goes back to *ljuwsṭi- < *lujsṭi- (cf. Chech. dialectal forms like Shar. lujstĩ, Khild. lwistĭ).

Протонахский: *lVwV

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Значение: roe

Чеченский: lū

Ингушский: lij-g

Комментарии: 3d class in Chech. and Ing. (the Ing. form is a diminutive < *lVw-iḳ). Cf. also Chech. Lev. lū 'mountain goat'. Since there is no Bacb. form, the Inlaut is not quite clear (theoretically, *-w-, *-b-, *-d- or *-g- may be reconstructed).

Протонахский: *-lχa-na

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Значение: yesterday

Чеченский: selχana

Ингушский: selχan

Комментарии: PN *(p)sa-lχEna is opposed to *si-psara 'yesterday night', so the component *-lχEna means either 'day' or 'yesterday' (in general). -lχE- here may be contracted from *dVlχE-, which would be a regular correspondence for Av. noƛ: and Darg. *duk:i / *dak:. The etymology of *(p)sa- ( < *(p)sarV-) see under *śwĔrV.

In PN there also exists a root *tχa 'today' (Chech. taχa-na, Ing. taχa-n 'today' as a secondary development < *tχa-na, Chech. tχo-wsa, Ing. tχowsara 'tonight', Bacb. tχa 'today', tχa-bus 'yesterday night' [ = Chech. tχowsa], tχujnŏ 'in the daytime'). This may well be an early development < *lχa (cf. an analogous phenomenon in the 1st p. pl. pronoun *tχo).

Протонахский: *mʕēlq̇u

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Значение: lizard

Чеченский: mölq̇a

Ингушский: melʕa

Комментарии: Cf. also Cheb. mjelq̇u, Shar. mjolq̇o, Khild. mjolq̇ŭ etc. 6th class in Chech., 4th class in Ing. The shift -lq̇- > -lʕ- in Ing. points to an original cluster: *mʕēlq̇u > *mēlʕu > melʕa.

Протонахский: *mʕuṭe

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Значение: 1 dirt 2 dirt (on face, body, cloth)

Чеченский: moda 2

Ингушский: mʕad 2

Бацбийский: mujṭĭ 1

Комментарии: PN paradigm *mʕuṭe, obl. *mʕaṭV-; the obl. base superseded the direct one in Chech. (where moda < *mʕaṭu-) and Ing. 4th class in Chech., Ing., 6th class in Bacb. Cf. also Bacb. muṭo-rĕ(n) 'dirty'.

Протонахский: *mʡač-iḳ

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Значение: tip (of smth.) bent upwards

Чеченский: mʕäčig

Комментарии: Isolated in Chech., but having probable external parallels.

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