Jastrow's note "(=gammīdā)" is not clear since no such form is quoted in his dictionary

    Note also gurmaiza 'fist' compared in [KB 196], but thought to be an Iranian loanword in [DM]. If cognate, -z requires explanation

    Likely a semantic shift; for a similar shift, cf. UGR yd and HBR yād 'hand' and 'penis'

    A phonetic diversity throughout SEM can be explained by (1) low compatibility of a voiced and voiceless stop in HBR and ARM, and (2) change of *-m- > -n- in contact with -d (for a similar phonetic evolution cf. *p/ban/md-(aw-)at-, No. ).

    Cf. AKK gamatu 'a measure' SB in LL [CAD g 32], [AHw 278]; one wonders whether it can be explained from *gamattu < *gamad-t-u or from *gamadu, with -ad- mistaken for the -at- suffix, developed from *kamadu because of low compatibility of k and d.

    Cf. ARM *garmīdā, with -r- inserted probably by contamination with some similar term; could it be ARM and SEM *garm- 'bone' (No. )?

    The AMH and GAF examples were alternatively identified by Leslau with AMH kǝrn, TNA kʷǝrnaʕ 'elbow' [LGur 347] (see *kʷirnāʕ-, No. ), which is also possible. A more obscure case is END h_ǝ^tnä, hǝ^tnä 'arm, cubit, arm below the elbow' [ibid.]; it is hard to say whether this may derive from the present root or from *kʷirnāʕ-, in either case with a series of unusual phonetic transformations.

    Note a derived pattern and a meaning shift in MSA.

    [KB 196]: HBR, ARM (-r-); [Brock 133]: SYR, ARM, HBR, GEZ (gʷǝnd 'baculus').

    Comparison with ETH and MSA forms denoting 'stick, wood' (TNA gʷämäd, JIB gend) suggested in [Leslau 15] is unconvincing

    Also CHA bänä, EŽA bännä, ENN GYE bäñä, END MSQ bäññä [ibid.]; on -n(n)- <*-rr- cf. [ibid. LI]

    [DRS 81]: SOQ, GUR (also ARB DIAL forms discussed in *(ʔi-)bu/ar-, No. ); [LGur 149]: GUR, SOQ; [LS 94]: SOQ, GUR (ARB DIAL as in [DRS])

    [DRS 20]: HBR, ARM, ARB; [KB 55]: HBR, ARM, ARB; [Brock 21]: SYR, ARM, HBR, ARB

    The latter form, though semantically somewhat specified, is likely to be ultimately derived from 'pudenda'

    Rather derived from 'pudenda', and not vice versa as it is usually assumed, are two other meanings, 'nakedness' and 'shame'; note, however, that the former meaning is not attested in ARM *ʕi/arw/y-at (unless an isolated AZR era 'penis' [Garb 305] is related with a meaning shift): BIB ʕarwat- (constr.) 'Blösse, Schland' [KB deutsch 1762], JUD ʕīrītā, ʕiryǝtā, ʕiryā, ʕäryā do. [Ja 1076], ʕryyh, det. ʕryyth 'nakedness' [Sok 419] (<*ʕi/ary-at-), SYR ʕaryat 'nude' (adv.) [Brock 548] (<*ʕary-at-), HRT ruta 'nackt' [J Hert 197] (<*ʕVrw-at-ā, with a loss of the first syllable). As for TGR ʕǝwär, ʕurät 'shame' [LH 477] and such MSA forms as HRS ʕār 'disgrace' [JH 13], they are most probably Arabisms.

    [Maizel 220]; [KB 882]: HBR, AKK, ARM, ARB (ʕuryat- 'bareness'); [Holma 100]: AKK, HBR, ARB

    [Fron 43] (*gulgul-(at-) 'cranio' /SOQ gemgemoh,ARB ǯulǯul- 'bubbolo', ǯumǯumat-, JUD, HBR, AKK); [DRS 117; 118]: AKK, HBR, JUD, SYR, MND, ARB; [Holma 11]: AKK, HBR, SYR, MND, ARB (ǧalaǧat-, ǧalǧalat-, ǧumǧumat-); [KB 191]: HBR, JUD, SYR, ARB (ǯulǯulat-), AKK.

    Note that SYR gāgoltā elsewhere compared to this root (e.g. [KB 191], where an explicit reference to [Brock 103] is given) is translated in [Brock 103] as 'ambon in occidentali ecclesiae parte'.

    As for ARB ǧulǧulat- (in [Holma] above) and ǧalǧalat- (in [KB] above), they are not found in the available dictionaries of ARB

    Cf. also ǧäm (suff. ǧämma, ǧämba) 'side' [LH 548] (an Arabism?)

    To the ETH examples above to be reconstructed as *gabaw-, cf. TGR AMH ARG wägäb 'side, waist', ZWY wägäb 'waist' [LGur 647] (all metathetically related?).

    Cf. GUR: ENN gupa 'height of body, stature' [LGur I 317], GYE gʷǝpa 'height' [ibid. 675], END guppä- [ibid. 191], GOG gubba- 'self' [ibid. 565], SOD gubba- 'alone, self' [ibid. 1063]; all < *gubba (see [LGur 256]), with a meaning shift 'side; back; body' > 'height of body, stature' > 'self'?

    Note that MSA examples (MHR, HRS and JIB) may be Arabisms.

    [DRS 150]

    Though gilšu is given as the first variant in both dictionaries, it is giššu which is found in the majority of contexts; one wonders whether -l- in gilšu may be explained by the scribes' effort to render laterality

    s instead of the expected *ŝ is not infrequent in late Biblical and postbiblical texts

    Cf. ETH GUR: CHA ENN END GYE g'išä 'back of body' [LGur 310] related by Leslau to SOD g'inžä etc., with the same meaning, assuming all these forms are from CUSH [ibid.]. That GUR *ginžä <*ginz- is not a Cushitism, but an inherited SEM stem, see in *gin(ā)z-at-, No. ); whether GUR forms in -š- are really related to those in -nž- (cf. [LGur LXXI]) or should be separated from the latter and compared to the present root, is difficult to say.

    Likely related to W. CHAD: DIRI ngèŝè, GEJI ngeŝì 'chest' [Stolb 121] (<*n-geĉi < *nV-gayĉi ? [ibid.]), POLCHI gwǝŝ 'shoulder' (differently interpreted in [Stolb 119]); the AFRASIAN proto-form would rather be *gay/wĉ-.

    Cf. probably related (with suffixed -r?) forms in ARB and MSA: MHR gǝŝōr 'side of chest' and perhaps 'chest cavity' [JM 126], SOQ QALAN-B gíš^šhǝr, QADHUB gīŝor 'poitrine' [SSL LS 1458], QALAN-V gī́ŝ^hǝr do. [SSL 4 95]; cf. also ARB ǧušr-at- 'aspérité de la voix, enrouement et toux' [BK 1 296], ǧašar- 'dureté, aspérité de la voix, provenant de l'enrouement, du rhume' [ibid.] (semantically evolved from the original meaning 'chest'?).

    On another form possibly to compare, with unexplained -f, see MSA: JIB gɛŝf 'rib' [JJ 80], SOQ geŝf 'côte' [LS 118].

    [Kauf 52]: AKK, ARM (regarding ARM as an AKK loan); [DRS 195]: HBR, ARM, ARB, MSA; [Brock 126]: SYR, ARM

    Contextually may rather be translated as 'body' (e.g. emūḳī lā šanān ušaršû gatti 'they endowed my body with unequalled power'). Double -tt- is difficult to explain (<*gaʔ-t-?)

    According to Leslau, from CUSH, but rather a reduplication of the present root. Cf. also CHA EŽA MUH gämʷäǧä, GYE gäwäǧä, ENN gō̃ǧä 'body; skin of body; gut; sinew' [ibid. 277] (<*gawgaw-? On a possibility of ǧ < *g in GUR see in the comments to *gišm- 'body', No. ). Note EŽA MUH MSQ GOG SOD gäggäbät, CHA GYE gäkäbät, ENN gäk_äbäd, END gäkkǟd 'chest of an animal' which has no convincing etymology, but may represent a compound of *gaʔ- + *kabid- (the SEM word for 'liver' which came to mean 'belly' in most of ETH)

    Meanings rather diverse, 'body' and 'chest' appearing to be the primary ones.

    Cf. a non-anatomic term 'insides', very likely derived from the present one, but rather to be reconstructed as a separate SEM *gaw(w)-: PHO gw 'midst' [T 63]; ARM: BIB gō 'Inneres' [KB deutsch 1685-6], OLD OFF NAB PLM HTR gw 'interior' [HJ 217], JUD gw 'inside, in, on' [Sok 121], SYR gawwā 'intra, intus' [Brock 107], MND gaua 'inside, interior, inner part' [DM 74] (also giuta 'interior, inside' [ibid. 89]); ARB ǧaww- 'intérieur, fond (d'une maison, etc.)', EGP DIAL 'dans' [BK 1 348]; ESA: MIN gw-n 'partie intérieure d'une construction'; ETH: TGR go 'to, at, near' [LH 558].

    Sometimes compared to phonetically similar terms meaning 'depression, hole' in various SEM languages, which in fact make a different root *gay/wVʔ- 'valley, depression, lowland': HBR gay(ʔ) 'valley' [KB 188]; ARB ǧaww-, pl. ǧiwāʔ- 'terrain déprimé, encaissé, fond de la vallée; champ, plaine'; ESA: MIN gwʔ 'carrière' [LM 37]; MSA: JIB gɔ̄t, pl. gói 'deep hole, depression' [JJ 80].

    [DRS 106]: HBR, ARM, SOQ, AMH (incl. SEM 'inside' and 'valley, depression'); [Brock 107]: SYR, ARM, HBR, ARB (incl. 'inside' and 'valley'), ESA (gw, untranslated); [KB 182-3]: HBR (gaw, gǝwiyyā), ARM (also 'inside'), ARB, PUN (both 'inside'), SOQ

    ḫapnu quoted in some comparative studies (e.g. [KB 339]) is not attested either in [CAD] or in [AHw] and is to be read h_abūnu [CAD h_ 85]

    Uncertain, see [Aist 105], [Gordon 398]. In [DLU 179] the word in question is translated as 'codicia, acaparamiento, arrebato' (< 'to grasp by handfuls'?)

    Translated in [SD 67] as 'type of votive object'; very likely to be interpreted as 'two handfuls' (bn frʕt 'of fruit')

    Note what can be reconstructed as *umfuñña in ETH EAST and GUR and a doubling of -f- in AMH and ARG probably reflecting *-mf-, the underlying S. ETH form to be reconstructed as *umf(u)-ñña (with the suffix -ñña) from *ḥunf-, with metathesis and *-n- > -m- near -f-, from ETH *ḥufn-.

    The MHR and JIB examples may, in principle, be Arabisms; cf., however, lack of the feminine marker vs. ARB forms in -at -. See also SOQ ḥáfen 'giron' [LS 184], [SSL LS 1459], probably related with a meaning shift 'hollow of the hand' > 'hollow of the lap'.

    [Fron 48] (*ḥupn- 'pugno' /GEZ,SYR,ARB,HBR,AKK/); [Holma 118]: AKK, HBR, ARB, SYR, GEZ; [KB 339]: HBR, ARM, AKK (h_apnu, upnu), ARB, GEZ, TGR; [Brock 250]: SYR, ARM, ARB, HBR, AKK, GEZ; [LGz 227]: GEZ, ETH, JIB, HBR, ARM, UGR, AKK

    [Brock 323]: SYR,ARB

    Brockelmann asks whether it is from ARB; cf., however, difference in the first syllable vocalism

    Cf. karsūḥ- 'pouce' [ibid.], a variant root with ʕ/ḥ

    The coincidence in meaning of AKK and ARB is somewhat striking; the ARM (SYR and MND) examples are questioned in the corresponding dictionaries without giving any reasons.

    Cf. *ḳVrc̣Vll- 'ankle' (No. ); *kʷirnāʕ- 'knee with a shin' (No. ).

    [Holma 148] AKK (transcribed as ḳursinnu and compared to HBR and ARM froms of the ḳVrVs/ṣl- type)

    Cf. also labān- 'poitrine, surtout la partie entre les mamelles, poitrail (de tout animal à sabot)' [ibid. 962]

    Leslau considers it a loan from E. CUSH (KAMB HAD leṗa), which is less likely in view of the comparative SEM data. Cf. MUH läbät 'meat of tail of sheep' [LGur I 900] (cf. discussion in [LGur 374])

    A derived pattern. Cf. ǝwtǝbūb 'to wrap os. in a waist-cloth' [ibid.] placed under the same root lbb (i.e. <*ǝltǝbūb with the infixed -t-?)

    The underlying form in AKK is *laby-ān-; note the -ān suffix in AKK and one of the ARB examples

    Note the form with pronominal suffix pot-hēn 'their (fem.) pōt' in [Is 3.17], which definitely implies the proto-form *put-. Meaning questionable; attested in the Bible only twice in ambiguous contexts: in [1 K 7: 50] denoting part of the door, translated as 'front side, fac̣ade' in [KB 983] and alternatively interpreted as 'socket of the door pin' in [Ja 1149]; and in [Is 3: 17] in the phrase "The Lord will make scabby the skull (ḳodḳōd) of the daughters of Zion and Yhwh will lay bare their pōt" (on an interpreting this term as 'female pudenda' see *paʔw/y-at- 'genital organ', No. )

    u- is rather from *i- before -f

    Likely related to SEM *piʔ-at- 'border, side' rather to be reconstructed, however, on the PSEM level as a separate root: AKK piātum 'Seite' OB Mari [AHw 861] (considered by Soden a Canaanite loanword); UGR paʔt 'Saum, Grenzen, Gefilde' [Aist 252]; HBR pēʔā 'side, edge, hairline, corner' [KB 907-8]; JUD pā(ʔ)tā 'section, segment, corner' [Ja 1132], SYR paʔtā, patā 'latus' [Brock 554].

    Note ARM: JUD ʔappūtā 'front of the face, forehead' (also 'nose') [Ja 101] and SYR ʔappūtā (ʔāpūtā) 'frons' [Brock 39], where ʔais to be explained either by contamination of the present root with ARM *ʔappā 'nose' (see *ʔanp- 'nose', No. ) or as a prefix (in this case, however, with an unusual doubling of the primary stem first radical); cf. ʔV-prefixed stems also in ETH EAST (SEL WOL and ZWY) and GUR, where the underlying form is likely *ʔifit <*ʔafit <*ʔa-piʔ-t.

    There is ARB fiʔ-at- 'troupe (d'hommes)' [BK 2 531] interpreted as 'front' in [Noeldeke 1910 152], which can be as well compared to *piʔ-at- 'border, side'; anyway, a meaning shift is not clear.

    Cf. GEZ la-fe 'to this side, in the direction of, that way' (prep.) [LGz 154] and TNA fit 'di fronte, dirimpetto' [Bass 998] which may relate either to *pVʔ-at- or to *piʔ-at- 'border, side'.

    Of interest are pl. forms in AKK pūtātu and HBR pōtōt where the feminine marker -t is similarly treated as part of the root.

    [Holma 13]: AKK pūtu considered "eine Weiterbildung von pû 'Mund" and "also weder mit [HBR] pēʔā noch mit pōt zusammenhängend"; [KB 983]: HBR, AKK, ARB (fiʔat- 'group'), AMH, SOQ; [Brock 554]: SYR, AKK; [LHar 65]: HAR, ETH, AKK (compared, in its turn, to HBR pēʔā, ARB fiʔat-); [LS 332]: SOQ, ARB (fiʔat-), HBR (pēʔā), SYR, AKK, GEZ (fit)

    Note ETH EAST: SEL šērmo 'meat of the tail of sheep' [LGur 585]; semantically difficult to compare.

    [Brock 809]: SYR, ARB; [Holma 68]: AKK, ARB

    Possibly but not necessarily an Arabism; cf. TNA in the comments below

    MHR and JIB räḥm are quite likely Arabisms, while forms in mǝ- are shaped after a derived pattern and look genuine.

    There is a derived meaning 'compassion, pity, mercy, kindness' and a corresponding verb to be reconstructed for as early as PSEM: AKK rēmu, rīmu 'Erbarmen, Mitleid' OB on [AHw 970]; UGR rḥm 'mitleidsvoll, liebevoll sein' [Aist 291]; HBR rḥm (ḳal, piʕ) 'to love, to meet someone with love, to take pity on someone' [KB 1217], raḥămīm 'a feeling of love, loving sensation, mercy' [ibid. 1218] (with an unusual vocalism, instead of *rǝḥāmīm); ARM: BIB raḥămīn 'Erbarmen' [KB deutsch 1781], MND RHM 'to love, to have pity' [DM 426]; ARB rḥm 'être compatissant, avoir pitié de quelqu'un' [BK 1 838]; SAB rḥm 'to be merciful' [SD 116]; MSA: MHR rǝḥām 'to be kind to so.' [JM 321], HRS reḥām 'to pity' [JH 103], JIB raḥám 'to be kind' [JJ 210]. Note that in ETH only a variant root *mḥr with metathesis is attested (HAR raḥmät 'mercy, compassion' [LHar 134] and related forms are Arabisms): GEZ mḥr 'to have compassion' [LGz 336], TGR mäḥarä 'to have pity' [LH 111], TNA mäḥarä 'avere pietà' [Bass 78], AMH marä 'to pardon, forgive, to have mercy' [K 171], EAST: WOL marä, SEL ZWY mārä 'to forgive, pardon' [LGur 417].

    Rather of an areal usage is another derived meaning, 'slavegirl', attested in UGR and CAN languages only: UGR rḥm 'Maid' [Aist 291], MOAB rḥm 'kriegsgefangene Konkubine' [Segert 266], HBR räḥäm 'slavegirl' (in Ju 5:30) [KB 1217].

    [Fron 47] (*raḥm- /ARB,SYR,HBR,UGR rḥm 'ragazza' AKK/); [Holma 104]: AKK, ARB, HBR, ARM; [KB 1217]: HBR, ARM, AKK, UGR, ARB