арабский:šafallāḥ 'parties naturelles fe la femme, très développées et épaisses; femme dont le vagin est très-ample, épais; homme qui a de grandes fesses, ou des lèvres épaisses' [BK 1 1250]
NOTES:Only C. SEM. Semantically somewhat vague; note metathetic relations between the examples quoted below.
ARB š- poses a problem: it can be from *s- influenced by -l; otherwise *ŝ1 {} *ŝ has to be reconstructed in the proto-form.
Note MND šalhapta d_-mahria [DM 442] translated 'Ransom of Disease'.
мандейский арамейский:šulita 'membrane enveloping the foetus' [DM 454]
арабский:salan 'membrane qui enveloppe le foetus' [BK 1 1133] (<*salay-); salīl- 'fils' and 'foetus mâle' [ibid. 1117]
геэз (древнеэфиопский):sayl 'foetus, embryo' [LGz 522] (metathesis of y)
тигре:sǝlät 'placenta, afterbirth' [LH 169]
тиграй (тигринья):šǝlät 'feto ancora nel ventre della madre; placenta o seconda delle bestie' [Bass 218]; šǝl 'feto ancora nel ventre della madre [ibid. 215]
гураге:MSQ šǝl šäkkätä 'to be in the first stage of pregnancy' [LGur 577] (šäkkätä 'to arrange, make, do, etc.' [ibid. 576]), MUH šǝr, GYE šīr (<*sil), CHA EŽA ENN šǝrǝr (<*silil) 'embryo' [ibid. 577].
On *l > r in GUR see [ibid. XLIII-XLIX])
NOTES:See another pattern, *šalīl-, in HBR PB, ARM JUD, ARB and part of GUR (all with the meaning 'embryo').
Note s- instead of the expected š- in part of AKK and ARM JUD forms.
NOTES:Likely <*šam- {} *sam-, with the -Vn suffix, cf. AFRASIAN. In this connection, also note UGR šmt 'Fleishfetzen' [ibid. 311] compared by [Gordon 492]. Unless from *šaman-t-u (>*šamattu, an assimilation -nt- > -tt- being quite common in UGR), it may be from *šam- {} *sam-. The comparison, however, is questionable semantically; the UGR term is better compatible with EGYP (18 DYN) sms 'Fleischstück vom Rind' [EG IV 141] (<*smsm ?).
See -u in part of ARM forms likely to be due to m.
арабский:sinsin-at- 'sommet de la bosse du chameau' [BK 1 1151] (redupl.); cf. sinsin- 'os qui aboutissent aux vertèbres, ou extrémités des os des côtes' [ibid.]. Cf. also sanām- 'bosse de chameau' [ibid. 1152]
тигре:sǝlam 'hump of camel or of cattle' [LH 168].
Dissimilation from *sǝnam (like in TGR zälmä, zänmä 'to rain' ~ GEZ zanma do. [LGz 641])
амхарский:ARG šañña 'hump of animal' [LGur 583]
гураге:GOG SOD šañña do. [ibid.].
According to Leslau, perhaps from CUSH: BILIN zāna, KHAMIR zäñā
харсуси:(?) sensīn d_e-d_̣ahr 'spine' [JH 112] ("s. of back"; d_̣ahr means 'camel's back, back' [ibid. 29]).
Isolated in MSA; Johnstone placed it under snsl/n identifying sensīn, not very convincingly, with HRS senselét 'chain' (MHR sewselēt, JIB selsɛ́lt)
NOTES:Problematic. Scarce attestation in the South Semitic area only; quality of the first radical unspecified.
Note suffixed -m in ARB, GEZ (unless an Arabism) and TGR (also an Arabism? cf., however, -l-). The AMH and GUR examples are hardly Arabisms or Cushitisms (in view of SEM data).
[LGz 507]: GEZ (considered a probable ARB loan), ARB, TGR
NUMBER:2208
PROTO:*š/ŝVnz- {} *s/ĉVnʒ-
MEANING:span
геэз (древнеэфиопский):sǝz(ǝ)r [LGz 523] (see discussion [ibid.])
тигре:sǝnzǝr 'palme', sänzärä 'mesura par palmes' [LH 168, apud d'Abbadie]
тиграй (тигринья):sänzärä 'to measure with the span' [LGz 523]
амхарский:sǝnzǝr [K 549]
харари:zunzurti [LHar 167] (with assimilation of *s- > -z influenced by -z of the second syllable?)
NOTES:A very entangled case. Attested with the meaning 'span' in ETH and MSA only.
Both ETH s- and MHR h- (quoted only by Leslau) from š, together with SOQ š-, imply *š- {} *s-; another MHR example (also attested in a strange way) and both JIB examples point to *ŝ- {} *ĉ-.
A plausible semantic connection and a rare combination of radicals speak in favor of a relationship, rather than a chance coincidence with HBR mošzār 'twisted' (hof, part.) [KB 959], ARB šzr 'retourner la main à droite en brandissant la lance; tordre, donner un tour de droite à gauche à la corde' [BK 1 1225] and, with a further meaning shift, MND šanziria (pl.) 'the ropes' [DM 443].
It is difficult to avoid comparison of this root (as a form with suffixed -r?) to AKK šizû 'one-third cubit' OB on [CAD š3 152], [AHw 1254] (also šizum, šizât- [ibid.]); the latter, however, may be alternatively compared to ARB šd_d_ 'être seul, isolé, séparé des autres; séparer, isoler' [BK 1 1206] and GEZ ŝazaya et al. 'to detach, separate' [LGz 541] <*ŝd_d_/y {} *ĉǯǯ/y (cf. also SOQ šéze 'se séparer, etc.' [LS 55], which Leslau considers causative-reflexive of ʔézi [ibid.] comparing at the same time to GEZ ŝazaya; note that -z is from *z, and not *d_).
Cf. what looks like a variant root in TGR sädǝr '(hand-)span', säddärä 'to measure by spans' [LH 196] and TNA säddärä do. [ibid.] to be compared to MND ŠDR 'to twist' [DM 450], šidra 'twisting, spinning by hand' [ibid. 460].
Note that the present root and ARB šibr- compared by Pretorius (see discussion in [LGz 523]) are not related. ARB šibr- 'empan, mesure de longueur que donne la distance entre le pouce et l'articulaire étendus' [BK 1 1183] is to be compared to MSA: MHR ŝēbǝr 'span of outspread fingers' [JM 372], HRS ŝéber [JH 118], JIB ŝɛ̄r, pl. ɛŝbɔ́r [JJ 245] do. The ARB and MSA examples are not made into a separate entry because the latter one can be borrowing of the former, in view of no cognates in other SEM
NUMBER:2209
PROTO:*ša/ipūl- ~ šapil- {} *sa/ipūl- ~ *sapil-
PRNUM:PRNUM
MEANING:lower parts of body; thigh, legs; belly, stomach
аккадский:šapūlu, šapullu 'upper or inner thigh' OB on; [CAD š1 492], [AHw 1177]
Corresponds to HBR yark_ā in the meaning 'backside' [KB 405]
мандейский арамейский:šipula 'lower part of skirt; sexual parts, lower parts of abdomen' [DM 462]
арабский:ʔas-sāfilat- 'parties basses du corps, cul' [BK 1 1102] (1st stem active participle with the ʔal- article), safil-at- 'pieds (du chameau)' [ibid].
Cf. mišfalat- 'gésier, jabot (d'oiseau); estomac' [BK 1 1250], with š instead of the expected s (š- <*ŝ-, "lateralization" <*s- influenced by -l?)
тигре:šǝnfǝlla 'one of ruminant's four stomachs' [LH 221].
Cf. šefle 'having large feet' [LH 231]
тиграй (тигринья):šǝnfǝlla 'centopelle ventricolo dei ruminanti' [Bass 234]
амхарский:šǝnfǝlla 'second stomach of a ruminant, tripe' [K 649]
восточноэфиопские:ZWY šǝnfǝlla 'small stomach of ruminants' [LGur 581]
гураге:GOG SOD šǝnfǝl do. [ibid.]
мехри:hōfǝl 'belly, stomach' [JM 153]
джиббали:šɔ́fǝl 'belly' [JJ 260]
харсуси:hōfel 'belly' [JH 50]
сокотри:QADHUB dǝ-bǝ-šáfǝl 'ce qui est dans le ventre: entrailles avec excréments' [SSL LS 1475]
NOTES:Obviously from SEM *špl 'to be low'. However, nominal derivatives with related meanings in nearly all groups of SEM point to the anatomic term(s) as early as in PSEM. Probably at least two of them developed from the verb 'to be low' independently from each other, one meaning 'thigh, leg': AKK šapūlu, šapullu 'upper or inner thigh', ARB safil-at- 'pieds (du chameau)'; the other meaning "stomach, belly": HBR PB, MND, probably ARB mišfalat- 'gésier, jabot (d'oiseau); estomac', all ETH and MSA examples.
Cf. different forms in ARM derived from this root or directly from *špl 'to be low': JUD šippūlā 'extremety, bottom, train' [Ja 1556] and SYR šǝpōlā 'pes (montis); fundamenta' [Brock 795].
Note an unusual five radical noun pattern šǝnfǝlla in ETH, with a secondary -n and doubling of the last radical not typical of SEM (except AKK).
Note MOD ETH (TGR, TNA, AMH, END) *sambar- 'stomach, part of the stomach' [LGur 546] (a variant root?).
сокотри:šéh 'parties sexuelles de la femme' [LS 413], šího, dual šihoiti, pl. šihéten 'dos' [ibid.], šihoʔ 'small of the back' [JJ 264], QALAN-V šī́hoeʔ 'sacrum' [SSL 4 98].
The final -ʔ in the two latter forms is difficult to explain. Cf. also [SSL LS 1475; 1476]
NOTES:Unseparable from the meaning 'foundation' likely to be the primary one. Cf. examples with non-anatomic meaning only: UGR št 'base, pie' [Olmo 633]; PHO ʔšt 'pillar' [T 36], HBR PB šāt 'foundation' [Ja 1636]; ARM: JUD šatyā 'foundation' [Ja 1638]; ETH GUR: CHA MUH šät, EŽA šet 'leveled ground before a house is built' [ibid. 587].
Note that in JIB and SOQ, the last radical -t is perceived as a feminine marker and dropped (cf., however, its reappearance in dual and pl. in SOQ).
Presumably a form with the *-t suffix < *ʔVšš- {} *ʔVss- 'foundation, base' (with -šš > -š before -t?): AKK uššu 'Fundament' [AHw 1442] (according to [AHw 1442] and [Kauf 110], borrowed from SUMER uš8 'Fundament' [IK 1149] and then to ARM to ARB; cf. also e(s)sû 'Niederung' SB [AHw 250]); HBR PB ʔūš 'foundation' [Ja 35] (<JUD?); ARM: BIB ʔuššayyā, pl. (du.?) det., 'Fundament' [KB deutsch 1675], JUD ʔuššā, ʔawšā 'foundations, fortification' [Ja 35]; ARB ʔiss-, ʔuss-, ʔasās- 'base, fondement' [BK 1 30-31]; SAB ʔs1 'base' [SD 7]; TGR (?) ʔässäsä 'to set in order' [LH 363] (where it is compared with ARB ʔassasa 'to lay the foundation'); JIB sɔs 'foundation' [JJ 220] (according to Johnstone < *ʔss; OMAN ARB sās quoted [ibid.] admits a loan from ARB).
Note that in JIB and SOQ, the last radical -t is perceived as a feminine marker and dropped (cf., however, its reappearance in dual and pl. in SOQ).
As to the AKK, EBL and UGR forms with -d, one wonders whether these should be made into a separate root *ʔišd- {} *ʔisd- 'foundation, bottom, lower extremities' or explained from *ʔiš(V)t- by contamination with *(ʔi-/wi-)sād(-at)- {} *(ʔ/yV-)cad(-at)- 'base, foundation': UGR msdt 'Grundfeste' [Aist 131] (placed under *ysd); HBR yǝsōd 'foundation wall, base' [KB 317], ysd 'to found, establish' [KB 417]; JUD ʔīsādā 'head-side, pillow' [Ja 53], SYR ʔesādā 'a capite, sub capite' [Brock 32]; ARB ʔisādat- 'coussin' [BK 1 31], wisād(at)-, wasād(at)- 'coussin, oreille; lit de repos' [ibid. 2 1533] (cf. also sady- 'trame d'une tissue' [ibid. 1 1074]); SAB ms3d 'base, plinth of statue' [SD 163] (placed under *ws3d); TGR cf. sudot 'nuque' [LH 197, apud d'Abbadie] (primary meaning 'base of the head'?); MHR sáddǝt 'raised platform, island in a valley' [JM 341], JIB (EAST) sédt do. [ibid.].
Found in one LL where it is equated to ubānum. Considered a W. SEM loan without definite source [CAD] or a derivate from ṣabātu 'to catch' [AHw]. Note that if a loanword, ne- prefixation is difficult to explain, while if a genuine AKK word, it can be regarded as a prefix *ma- (on which see Introduction) which regularly shifts to na- (> ne- because of *-ʕ) if one of the root consonants is a labial
эблаитский:iš-ba-um, ìsa-ba-um, iš11-ba-h_um /ʔiṣbaʕum/ [Kr 18; Bl E No. 20]
угаритский:ʔuṣbʕ 'dedo; garra' [DLU 55]
еврейский (иврит):ʔäṣbaʕ [KB 81]
арамейские:OFF ʔṣbʕ [HJ 98].
Also ṣbʕ 'certain measure of length, finger' [ibid. 958]
библейский арамейский:ʔäṣbǝʕān (pl. f.) 'Finger, Zehe' [KB deutsch 1673]
амхарский:ṭat (also 'toe') [K 2152] (<*ṣVbʕ-at-), ARG ṭad [LGur 108] (voicing of final -t into -d? Cf. [ibid. XLIV])
гафат:ṣaṭä 'hand'.
This form quoted [ibid. 108] and in [LGz 45] is questionable both phonetically and semantically (-ṭ < *-t influenced by ṣ-?); the form ṣatä quoted in [LGaf 237] looks phonetically more tenable
харари:aṭābiñña [LHar 36]
восточноэфиопские:SEL ZWY ǝnṭābit, WOL ǝnṭabit [LGur 108]
гураге:MUH MSQ GOG atebät, SOD aṭabät, GYE aṭayb_ä, ENN END GYE ateyä, END aṭe, CHA EŽA MUH atebät, CHA EŽA atebä [ibid.]
мехри:ṣ̌ǝbáʔ (also 'toe') [JM 397]
джиббали:ʔiṣbáʕ [JJ 5]
харсуси:ḥaṣ̌báʔ [JH 126] (<*ḥa-ṣibaʕ)
сокотри:ʔéṣbaḥ [LS 70], ṣóbeḥ [ibid. 345].
-ḥ < -ʕ in Auslaut. Cf. also [SSL LS 1451]
NOTES:Also 'toe' attested in part of SEM.
Note a meaning shift in ESA: SAB ʔṣbʕ, used to denote fractions, e.g. ʔṣbʕm bn t_mny '1/8'' [SD 140]; MIN ṣbʕ 'doigt' ("exprime les termes d'une unité") [LM 93]. [DLU 55]: UGR, EBL, ARB, GEZ, HBR, ARM, AKK; [KB 81]: HBR, UGR, ARM, ARB, SAB, GEZ, AKK (iṣbittu, not found in AKK dictionaries); [Brock 620]: SYR, HBR, JUD, ARB, GEZ; [LGz 45]: GEZ, ETH, ARB, ARM, HBR, UGR, ESA, SOQ; [LS 70]: SOQ, MSA, ARB, HBR, SYR, GEZ
NUMBER:2212
PROTO:*ṣirnaɣ-at- {} *c̣irnaɣ-at-
MEANING:(kind of) skin disease
аккадский:ṣennettu, ṣernettu, ṣennītu 'a skin disease' OB on [CAD ṣ 127], [AHw 1090] (<*ṣirnVɣ-t-u)
Goes back to *ṣarraɣ-t-, which, in its term, may originate from *ṣVrnaɣ-t- or to be formed after the ḳattal-t pattern widely used in HBR to denote deseases (cf. gabbaḥat 'baldness', dalläḳät 'burning fever' etc.); in this case, however, shaping of an earlier quadriradical base after this widespread pattern is also plausible
арабский:(?) ṣimɣat- 'sorte d'excroissance hideuse à voir sur les lèvres, sur le nez ou sur les oreilles' [BK 1 1372]; also ṣamɣat- 'ulcère' [ibid.].
NOTES:Loss of r or n in some of the forms is a result of a secondary triconsonantization of the quadriliteral root.
*-ɣ is hypothetic, as in all the languages listed ʕ may yield SEM *ɣ or *ʕ, while the ARB example with -ɣ is not reliable because of -m- instead of the expected *-n-.
арабский:ṣawr- 'side, bank of a river, side of the neck' [Lane 4 1744]
NOTES:Reliably attested only in HBR and ARM.
Cf. ARB ṣwr 'tourner le visage d'un côté' [BK 1 1383] (from 'to turn the neck'?), likely related.
Note MHR ṣ̌ārī́r 'nape' [SSL 1 291]; however, since MHR ṣ̌ usually (though not always, cf. ṣ̌ǝbáʔ 'finger, toe' < SEM *ṣibaʕ-, and ṣ̌ǝfdēt 'frog' vs. ARB ḍifdiʕ-) corresponds to SEM *ḳ, it may be more safe to compare the MHR word with SOQ ḳar 'cou' [LS 384] (cf. also MHR ḳār do. quoted [ibid.] apud Jahn, but not found in [JM]).
One wonders whether this is the source of ETH *ṣwr {} *c̣wr 'to carry (on shoulders ?)': GEZ ṣora 'to bear, carry, support, etc.' [LGz 567] and other ETH [ibid.]; note that in GUR this verb means 'to carry loads on the back or on the head or on the shoulders' [LGur 637].
Possibly an old apophonic plural *ŝiʕar- from sing. ŝiʕr-; may it be reflected in the nomen unitatis ŝaʕărā [ibid. 1345] < *ŝaʕrat- < *ŝiʕrat- (*-i- >-a- before ʕ) ?
арабский:šaʕr- 'cheveux ou poil (chez l'homme)' [BK 1 1237]
геэз (древнеэфиопский):ŝǝʕǝrt 'hair of body or head' [LGz 525].
-ǝ- of the first syllable is probably from *-a- before ʕ followed by ǝ
харсуси:ŝōr 'hair, wool' [JH 117]
сокотри:ŝáʕihor (pl.) 'cheveux' [LS 432] (also [SSL LS 1472]); QALAN-V ŝä́ʕihoer 'poils de chèvre longs' [SSL 4 97]
NOTES:ʌ-a- in most languages; as for HBR and GEZ, see below. ETH *ṣagʷar 'hair' (see [LGz 550]) sometimes compared to this root is not related (probably a Cushitism). Note that MHR ŝɛ̄r 'straw' [JM 370], JIB ŝáʕǝr do. [JJ 244] are not explained, as it may seem at a first glance, by a semantic shift 'hair' > 'straw', but rather originate from SEM *ŝaʕ(V)r- 'barley; grass; straw' (cf. [LGz 525]); the two roots are hardly related contrary to what is often assumed, cf. [Militarev Evidence 79] [Fron 43] (*ŝaʕr-(at-) 'capelli' [Holma 3]: AKK,HBR,ARB,SYR,GEZ [KB 1344]:HBR,ARM,EBLA,UGR,AKK,ARB,GEZ [Brock 488]: SYR,ARM,ARB,HBR,AKK,GEZ [LGz 525]: GEZ,ARB,SOQ,HBR,ARM,UGR,AKK [LS 432]: SOQ,ARB,HBR,SYR,GEZ (also ṣǝgʷǝr),AKK
гураге:CHA MUH MSQ GOG sǝwä, EŽA sǝwwä, ENN GYE sǝwʔä, END sǝ̃wʔä 'animal fat' [LGur 531], EŽA MUH MSQ säbba, etc. 'to be fat, fatter than expected' [ibid.]
мехри:ŝabḥ 'fat; corpulence' [LM 371]
джиббали:ŝabḥ 'fat on meat; corpulence' [JJ 245]
харсуси:ŝabḥ 'fat (n.)' [JH 118]
NOTES:Also 'fatness'.
Scarce evidence in Southern SEM area only.
Note ARB šabḥ- 'large' [BK 1 1182]; a semantic shift 'fat' (n.) > 'fat' (adj.) > 'big, large' is not to be excluded. Cf. also ARB ḥāšib- 'qui a le ventre large' [ibid. 431], likely related with metathesis.
Cf. *ŝaḥm- {} *ĉaḥm- (No. ).
[LGz 525]: GEZ, ETH, JIB, HBR PB šbḥ 'grow in value', SYR šbḥ 'improve, raise in value' (in both latter examples, š is <*š {} *s and uncomparable either phonetically or semantically)
NUMBER:2216
PROTO:ŝV(ʕ)p-at-
PRNUM:PRNUM
MEANING:'(tuft) of hair'
аккадский:(?) ši/upātu 'wool, fleece'
еврейский (иврит):(?) ŝāpām 'moustache'
арабский:šaʕfat- 'mèche de cheveux, toupet, cheveux''
Note -ā- in ŝǝmā(ʔ)lī 'left' (adj.) [ibid. 1333], which is usually explained as a regular reflex of *ā in an unstressed position (versus -ō- in ŝǝmō(ʔ)l where *ā is stressed). It seems more plausible, however, not to connect this discrepancy with accentual phenomena, but rather to regard the adjective as derived after a different pattern (probably *CaCaCiyy-, сf. yǝmānī 'right' with -a-, which neither can go back directly to its presumed prototype yāmīn 'right side')
NOTES:Postulating the succession *-aʔl- in the protoform is the only non-contradictory way to explain ō in HBR.
On the possibility of suffixed *-l see Introduction; cf. ARB šaʔmat- 'côté gauche' [BK 1 1179], SAB s2ʔm 'North' [SD 130] and JIB ŝiñ (a correct transcription is ŝĩn, see [SSL 2 247]) 'gauche' quoted in [LS 64] under ʔímhel (influenced, according to Leslau, by iñ 'droite', cf. notes to *yamīn~ *yamān-, No. ).
See metathesis with a meaning shift in ARB šaʔamal- 'vent du Nord' (also šamʔal- do.) [BK 1 1273] and ESA: SAB h-s2ʔml 'be northward' [SD 130], MIN s2ʔml-s1 'vers le nord' [LM 85] (note s2mʔl-s1 quoted [ibid. 86] as a contextual form).
Note BERB *a-zǝlmaḍ 'left', *z- yielding AFRAS *ĉ. With three identical root consonants out of four, though in a metathetic order, and such specific meaning as 'left', the SEM and BERB roots are very likely related; BERB -ḍ in Auslaut, though, remains unexplained (<*a-zǝlmaʔ-t <*-ĉilmaʔ-t < metathetic *ĉimʔal-t ?).
арабский:šafr-, šufr- 'bord de la paupière où naissent les cils' [BK 1 1247].
Note, however, that another meaning of the same word is 'bord, extrémité, crête'; possibly a contamination of two roots one meaning 'edge' and the other 'eyelash'
тигре:(?) ʔasfar (pl.) 'eyelash' [LH 201]; probably an Arabism (cf. ARB ʔašfār-, pl. of šafr-, šufr- quoted above)
мехри:ŝǝfrīr 'eyelash' [JM 374]
джиббали:ŝɛ́fǝr do. [JJ 247]
харсуси:ŝfǝrīr do. [JH 118]
сокотри:ŝfrir [JM 374], QALAN-B ŝɛ̄́fǝr do. [SSL LS 1473]
NOTES:Cf. *ŝa(ʕ)p-at- {} *ĉa(ʕ)p-at- (No. ); can it be related with suffixed -r?
