аккадский:na-ḳa-ti 'she-camel' NB [Livingstone 260]. Hapax in ABL 527 rev. 11. The form a-na-ḳa-a-te (and simi- lar) is better known because of its wide use in NA royal ins- criptions. Both forms are universally recongized as Arabisms ([Salonen Hippologica 89], [Livingstone], [Sima 126]) which looks quite convincing. It was claimed in [Livingstone 261] and [Beyer Erg. 38] that a- in a-na-ḳa-a-te reflects an early form of the Arb. definite article (*han-nāḳātu). This opinion is unconvincing in view of Jud. ʔnḳh, Hbr. pB. ʔănāḳā where -n- (at least in the traditio- nal punctuation) is not geminated so that the most essential feature of the Arb. determination marker is lacking. For a con- vincing critique of Livingstone's opinion see also [Sima 126].
иудейский арамейский:nā(ʔ)ḳǝtā, nāḳā 'camel' [Ja. 867], [Levy WTM III 436]; ʔnḳh 'female camel' [Sok. 66], ʔanḳā [Levy WTM I 114].
арабский:nāḳ-at- 'chamelle' [BK 2 1370], [LA X 362] (with a variety of broken plural forms listed and discussed). More details see in [Hommel 147-50]. Hommel suggests that n. can be traced back to PS *ynḳ 'to suck' (unattested in Ara- bic); later, the same idea was expressed in [Vycichl Kamelstute]. This opinion was rightly criticized in [Sima 126] though one has to admit that Sima is unable to explain the pl. form ʔaynuḳ- which is an important formal argument for Hommel's deri vation.
эпиграфические южноаравийские языки:Sab. nḳt 'she-camel' [SD 101]. See [Sima 125-7] for a detailed description of the two passages where n. is found (one of them, on the palm-list stick).
NOTES:All or almost all the forms outside Arb. are usually regarded as Arabic loans ([Sima 126]). This seems very likely indeed so that the PS reconstruction in this case is rather unreliable. It might be observer, however, that the Gez. term is attested already in the Ethiopic Bible (Gn 32.16, [Dillmann 646]) whereas Sima's arguments for an Arabism in Sabaic are not truly compelling.
аккадский:namalu (namlu) 'ant' OB, EA [CAD n1 208], [AHw. 725]. Regarded as a WS loan in [CAD] which is probably correct since the OB attestations are limited to personal names whereas the relevant Amarna passage is well known to be written almost entirely in Canaanite (EA 252:16: kī namlu tumḫaṣu lā tikabbilu u tanšuku ḳāti amēli ša yimaḫḫašši 'if one strikes an ant, does not it fight and sting the hand of the man who struck it?', on this passage cf. [Albright 31], [Hueh.], [Hess ...]). In [AHw.], on the contrary, n. is not explicitly defined as a WS loan, pos- sibly because of its supposed attestation in the SB physiognomic omen Kraus Texte 22 IV 1 (šumma ṣuprāšu na-ma-li malâ 'if his nails are full of n.' (according to [CAD], a different lexeme is used here which 'probably refers to cracks or spots on the nails').
еврейский (иврит):nǝmālā 'ant' [KB 701], pB. [Ja. 913]. Attested twice in Proverbs: 6.6 (lēk ʔälnǝmālā ʕāṣēl // rǝʔē dǝrākǟhā waḥăkām 'go to the ant, oh lazy, // look at its behaviour and learn') and 30.25 (hannǝmālīm ʕam lō(ʔ)-ʕāz // wayyākīnū baḳḳayiṣ laḥmām 'ants are not a strong people // but [are able to] prepare their food during the summer').
арабский:nimm-at- 'une fourmi; un pou' [BK 2 1346], naml- 'fourmi' [BK 2 1349], [Fr. IV 339], [LA XI 678-9].
мехри:nōmīl 'ant (smaller than a ǝwftáyn)' [JM 299].
джиббали:nīźín 'ant (smaller than a lǝftín)' [JJ 192].
харсуси:lōmēl 'ant' [JH 84] (with assimilation of resonants).
сокотри:nímhil 'ant' [Nakano 118].
NOTES:Cf. Akk. lamattu 'ant' [CAD l 67], [AHw. 533], known only from Malku V 61 (equated to the normal Akk. term for ant kulbābu, v. [Landsberger Fauna 136]). Both dictionaries regard it as a WS loan which is likely in view of its attestation in Malku; note, however, that no similar term is known from any WS language. Cf. Hbr. pB. ḥănāmal 'beetle, prob. a species of locusts' [Ja 484], with unexplainable ḥă-. Akk. nimmullu 'a fly' SB [CAD n2 234], [AHw. 790] shows a superficial similarity to the present root but is hardly related in view of a transparent Sumerian etymology (NIM 'Fliege' [IK 759], mu-ulMÙL 'Raupe' [IK 691]). [Fron. 297]: *naml-(at-) 'formica' (Mhr., Arb., Syr., Akk.); [KB 701]: Hbr., Arb., Syr., Akk. (namalu, lamattu); [Brock. 431]: Syr., Hbr., Arb.; [Firmage 1155]: Akk., Hbr., Arm., Arb.
аккадский:nimru (nammar) 'panther' OAkk. on [CAD n2 234], [AHw. 790]. Reliably attested in the OB Diri (PIRIG.TUR = ni-im-ru-um, OECT IV 153 IV 5). The OAkk. attestation in MDP 10 p. 57 No. 74:3 is not unproblematic ("S'agirait-il d'une image de Nergal, "panthère" ou "léopard" à laquelle on sacrifiait...?" accroding to the editor). More details on n. see in [Landsberger Fauna 77], [Salonen Jagd 226-8]. The by-form nam-mar has been known from Gilg. VIII II 8, SEE JCS 8 93 (as a variant of nim-ru) but now probably also in the OA incantation ... published in [Michel 59] (ezzat pulḫat ilat nammarat barbaratum mārat Anim 'she is fierce, she is awe(inspi- ring), she is a goddess, she is a panther, the she-wolf, the daughter of Anum'). This interpretation (suggested by Ms. E.Vorob'yova) seems preferable to that proposed by the editor since the derivation of na-ma-ra-at from namurratu 'bright, shining' seems most unlikely.
эблаитский:na-me-lum (in the monolingual animal list [MEE 4 005], identified with the present root in [Sjöberg Ebla 11]). Probably also in в [MEE 4 0503] (na-me-ru12-um, the Sum. parallel is unknown).
еврейский (иврит):nāmēr 'leopard, panther' [KB 701], pB. 'tiger or leopard' [Ja. 914]. A relatively rare poetic term.
арамейские:D.-Alla nmr 'panther' [HJ 733]. In a fragmentary context, meaning established from the ety- mology ([Hackett 55]). Anc. nmr 'panther' [HJ 733]. In KAI 222 A 31 and 223 A 9 (pm nmrh 'mouth of she-panter'), v. [Fitzmyer 44-5, 88]. Off. nmr 'panther' [HJ 733]. In Aḥiq 118-9 (nmrʔ pgʕ lʕnzʔ ... 'a leopard met a goat...') and Frah S2, P 99 (see [Nyberg 119]).
библейский арамейский:nǝmar 'panther' [KB 1931]. Hapax in Da 7.6 (in the description of one of the animals in Daniel's visions).
иудейский арамейский:nǝmar (nimrā) 'tiger or leopard' [Ja. 914], [Levy WTM III 401], [Levy WT II 112], nmr (nymrh) 'leopard' [Sok. 352].
арабский:nimr- 'panthère', namir-, fem. namirat-,nāmirat- 'leopard, panthère' [BK 2 1346-7], [Fr. IV 337], [Lane 2853], [LA V 234] (see further [Hommel 294ff.]).
эпиграфические южноаравийские языки:Sab. nmr 'leopard, panther' [SD 97]. Hdr. nmr 'panthère' [Pirenne 93]. The ESA terms are treated in detail in [Sima 120-25]. Most passages deal with hunt; only in Ga 1 A/10 decorative images of leopards are mentioned (ws2ʕrhw ʔṣlmm wʔwʕlm wʔlʔbm wʔnmrm d_hbm 'they provided it [the palace] with statues [human?] as well as ibexes, lions and leopards made of bronze'). According to some scholars, in some passages nmr denotes a kind of military title or designation ('сhieftain' according to [SD 97], rejected in [Biella 307]). For a comprehensive discussion of this difficult problem see [Sima 123-5].
геэз (древнеэфиопский):namr 'leopard' [LGz. 398].
тигре:näbri 'leopard' [LH 330] (likely a borrowing from Tna., but see a variant form näbǝr, according to [LH], "wegen des Reimes").
тиграй (тигринья):näbri 'leopardo' [Bass. 447] (in [LGz.], also nämri).
харсуси:nemr 'leopard' [JH 97] (likely and Arabism).
NOTES:Forms with -b- instead of -m- predominate throughout Neo-Ethiopian (likely a result of a dissimilation by nasality). [Fron. 293]: *nimr- 'leopardo' (Arb., Gez., Syr., Hbr., Akk.); [Hommel 294]: *namiru (Arb., Gez., Akk., Syr., Hbr.); [Sima 122]: ESA, Akk., Hbr., Arm., Arb., Gez. ("Die beiden For- men *nimr und *namir sind nicht auf eine gemeinsame Grundform zurückzuführen"); [KB 701]: Hbr., Arm., Arb., ESA, Gez., Akk.; [Firmage 1153]: Akk., Hbr., Arm., Gez., Arb.
NUMBER:2483
PROTO:*našr-
PRNUM:PRNUM
MEANING:eagle, vulture
аккадский:našru 'eagle' SB [CAD n2 79], [AHw. 761]. Hapax in Hg. C I 26 (MSL 8/2 172): [Á]te-[e] = e-ru-ú = na-áš-ru (according to [CAD], "našru is a late replacement for erû 'eagle'"). See further [Salonen Vögel 234] as well as a spe- cial study [Von Soden 1957-8 393].
угаритский:nšr 'ave de presa, convencionalmente águila o halcón' [DLU 593]. A well attested term. Most of the examples are concentrated in 1.18-19, the Aqhat Legend: ʕl bt ʔabh nšrm trḫpn // ybṣr ḥbl dʔiym 'on her father's house eagles were hovering // a flock of kites was looking [for prey]' 1.19 I 32; knp nšrm bʕl yt_br'bʕl broke the wings of the eagles' 1.19 III 8 (cf. 1.19 III 13); yḥd hrgb ʔab nšrm 'he saw hrgb, father of the eagles' 1.19 III 15 (cf. 1.19 III 29). The term is used twice in comparisons: (trtḳṣ bd bʕl // km nšr bʔuṣbʕh 'it sprang in bʕl's hands // like an eagle, in his fingers' 1.2 IV 21 and tštn knšr bḥbšh // km dʔiy btʕrth 'she put him on her belt as an eagle // as a kite on her sheath' 1.18 IV 28). In the difficult passage 1.13.8 nšrm may be metaforically used for 'warriors' (apparently pa- ralleled by mhrm 'soldiers').
еврейский (иврит):näšär 'eagle, vulture' [KB 731], pB. [Ja 942]. The main term for 'bird of prey', discussed in [Firmage 1158] and [TDOT X 77ff.]. The translation 'vulture' (Gyps fulvus) seems to be supported by Mi 1.16 where n. is described as bald: ḳorḥī wāgōzzī ʕal-bǝnē taʕănūgāyik // harḥībī ḳorḥātēk kannäšär kī gālū mimmēk 'become bald, cut your hair because of your most beloved sons // make your bald spot wide like a vulture since they are taken away from you'. In Lv 11.13 and Dt 14.12 n. appears among the birds prohibited for food.
арамейские:D.-Alla nšr(t) 'birds of prey' [HJ 765-6]. Clearly attested in I.8: ky ss ʕgr ḥrpt nšr 'now, a swift reproaches an eagle' (see [Hackett 47] for details). A form nšrt appears in the same line (drr nšrt ywn wṣpr) and is interpreted as 'birds of prey' in [HJ 766] (but cf. [Hackett 49] where it is understood as a verbal form meaning 'to tear'). Nab. nšr 'eagle' [HJ 765]. Htr. nšr 'eagle' [HJ 765] (as a name of a deity, see [Aggou- la 195]). Dem. nšr 'eagle' [HJ 1261]. Sam. nšr 'a bird' [Tal 552] (nsr [ibid. 535] is an Arabism).
библейский арамейский:nǝšar id. [KB 1935]. In Da 4.30 (ʕad dī ŝaʕrēh kǝnišrīn rǝbā 'until his hair grew like [that of] eagles') and 7.4 (gappīn dī nǝšar lah 'his wings are those of an eagle').
эпиграфические южноаравийские языки:Hdr. ns1r 'aigle' [Pirenne 74]. Hapax in RES 4698/1: s1ḳny wt_lʔ mrʔs1 s1yn d_ʔlm ns1r ṣlfhn ns1r ʔtw hs1 bn s2ʔmt 'he dedicated and handed over to his lord s1yn d_ʔlm and eagle [made of] the ṣlfhn-material (?), an eagle which was brought to him from the North' (what is meant may be an eagle statue brought from a North Arabian place and dedicated as a votive object to the god Sin, see details in [Sima 127ff.]).
арабский:naʕām- 'autruche' [BK 2 1298], [LA XII 582].
NOTES:Cf. Arb. nuḥām- 'sorte d'oiseau semblable à l'oie, au plumage rouge' [BK 2 1217], [LA XII 572] (a variant root?). Central Semitic only. Note that the PS status of the present root was defended in [Nöldeke Review 1263].
еврейский (иврит):pB. nāḥīl 'bee-hive, also the bees of a hive, swarm' [Ja. 894].
иудейский арамейский:nǝḥīl 'swarm' [Ja. 894], 'Schwarm von Bienen od. Würmen' [Levy WT II 101], [Levy WTM III 369].
арабский:naḥl-, unit. naḥl-at- 'les abeilles, l'abeille' [BK 2 1216], [Fr. IV 252], [LA XI 649].
эпиграфические южноаравийские языки:Qat. mnḥl 'bee shed, apiary' [Ricks 104]. A hapax, extensively discussed by J.Piernne in [CIAA 242-3]. According to Pirenne, the combination s2ʕbmnḥlm means 'il a démultiplié un rucher'. This interpretation is rejected [Sima 244] ("Ein qatabanisches Wort mnḥl 'Bienenkorb' existiert gegen Pirenne und Ricks nicht"), in our opinion without sufficient argumentation.
NOTES:Cf. Syr. nāḥǝlatḳamḥā 'insectum quoddam' [Brock. 423], 'papilio' [PS 2337], literally 'sifting-the-flour'. Both elements may represent original faunal terms reinterpreted by popular etymology (cf. No. ...).
NUMBER:2487
PROTO:*nVhVš-
MEANING:lion
аккадский:nēšu 'lion' OB on [CAD n2 193], [AHw. 783], nēštu 'lioness' OB Mari, SB [CAD n2 192], [AHw. 783]. The main term for lion in Akkadian and the only one attested outside literary texts. More details see in [Salonen Jagd 220-].
арабский:nahhās-, nahūs-, minhas- 'lion' [BK 2 1355], [TA XIV 586-7].
NOTES:The present comparison (proposed already in [Hommel 282, 292]), is usually left out of consideration by more recent scho- lars who prefer relating Akk. nēšu to Arb. layt_- (which is de- finitely impossible, cf. No. ...). Problems implied by the pre- sent approach should not be ignored either: if the middle radi- cal in Proto-Akkadian was *h, the e-colouring in nēšu is irregu- lar whereas the Arb. form can be regarded as a secondary inter- nal designation from nhs 'saisir et arracher un morceau de chair avec les dents de devant' [BK 2 1355] (so [TA]; for a critique of Hommel's comparison v. also [Yushmanov 149]). The above etymological interpretation of Akk. nēšu is accep- ted by Militarev and regarded as possible though not very likely by Kogan who would prefer a different solution. In Gilgamesh ... (v. [Parpola 113, 306]) the serpent is called nēšu ša ḳaḳḳari 'lion of the earth' (or 'of the Netherworld' as sugges- ted to us by Ms. N.Roudik who finds the same usage in the com- pound alap erṣetim designating the scoprion in the Mari incan- tation ...). A similar compound term is found in Ebla (na-iš ḳàr-ga-rí-im, equated to Sum. NIN.KI, cf. [Sjöberg 20-1]) so that the Gilgamesh usage does not seem occasional but rather reflecting an old tradition in the Akkadian-speaking area. Now, there is no need to stress that Akk. nēšu and Ebl. na-iš are ex- cellent phonetic parallels to Hbr. nāḥāš 'snake' [KB 690], pB. [Ja. 896]. On the other hand, the Akk. and Ebl. compounds find a striking structural counterpart in Gez. where the main term for snake is ʔarwe mǝdr, literally 'beast of the earth' [LGz. 40] (the first element being obviously cognate to Hbr. ʔaryē 'lion'). In several Neo-Ethiopian languages it is only the first part of the compound that designates the snake (e.g. Tgr. ʔarwe [LH 359]). Departing from the above considerations, the following hy- pothetic picture can be proposed. For Proto-Semitic, two terms with the meaning 'wild beast' (*ʔarway- and *naḥaš-) are postu- lated (in some languages acquiring a more concrete meaning 'lion': Hbr. ʔaryē, Akk. nēšu). Combined with words for 'earth', they participated in compound terms meaning 'snake' which reflect a Common Semitic concept of the snake as the "beast/lion of the earth/Netherworld" (likely of tabooizing nature). In some cases the compound form survived (Akk. nēšu ša ḳaḳḳari, Ebl. na-iš ḳarḳarim, Gez. ʔarwe mǝdr) but sometimes it was only the first element that came to mean 'serpent, snake' (Tgr. ʔarwe, Hbr. nāḥāš), the meaning 'wild beast, lion' being lost without leaving a trace in the respective languages. Kogan's approach (present in nuce already in [Mowinckel 98-] and [Pope 179-180]) implies a PS reconstruction *naḥaš- 'wild beast, lion' based on Akk. nēšu, Ebl. na-iš and Hbr. nāḥāš. Here also belongs Ugr. nḥš '...' [DLU ...] found several times in the incantation 1.100 as well as in 1.107:5 (p nḥš 'mouth of a snake') and 1.103+:2 (ʕlh nḥ[š] yʔat_r 'a "snake" follows it') and surpirsingly absent from other Ugr. texts dealing with real and mythical snakes. At the same time, it makes unlikely the traditional comparison of Hbr. nāḥāš to Arb. ḥanaš- 'reptile: serpent, vipère, etc.' [BK 1 503], [LA VI 289] (so e.g. [Firmage 1156]) which presupposes a metathesis and an irregular sibilant correspondence (rejected in [Barr 97]) as well as to the name of the Mesopotamian serpent-god S̆aḫan (for which see [Landsberger Fauna 61]).
NUMBER:2488
PROTO:*nVḳVr-
MEANING:kind of bird
иудейский арамейский:nǝḳīrā 'name of small birds (pickers)' [Ja. 933].
сирийский арамейский:nāḳar ʔīlānē 'upupa (potius pica)' [Brock. 448], [PS 2462] (literally, 'picking-the-trees', an active participle from nǝḳar 'fodit, perfodit' [BK 447]).
арабский:naḳḳār- 'sorte d'oiseau du genre des passereaux' [BK 2 1323], [+++++].
мехри:noḳḳôr 'Storch' [Jahn 217]. In [JM 289] this bird name seems to appear as nǝɣɣōr while in [Jahn 216] naɣôr is rendered as 'Truthahn', cf. No. 59.
NOTES:The PS status of the present root is questionable since an independent derivation from the widely attested verbal root *nḳr 'to pick' in various languages is not unlikely.
NUMBER:2489
PROTO:*nVṣ-
MEANING:kind of bird
аккадский:naṣnaṣu 'a bird' SB [CAD n2 49], naṣnāṣu/û [AHw. 757]. Found in lexical lists and the divinatory text CT 40 49:37 (šumma ālu) where it is called 'bird of Ištar' (v. [Salonen Vögel 234]).
угаритский:nṣ 'pájaro, ave no doméstica (posiblemente ave rapaz, esp. gavián, falcón)' [DLU 333]. The term is found in 1.117.10 (ʔaṣṣ k nṣ 'I will fly like a hawk', context fragmentary) and in 4.14.5, 4.60.6,10, 4.62.2 (food lists). Since 'hawk' is hardly a suitable meaning in the last case, one should probably assume that nṣ was a general term for a wild bird as opposed to ʕṣr 'household bird' (cf. the interpretation of 4.14.5 in [DLU]: [t_]t_mʔat nṣ t_lt_m ʕṣr 'seiscientos pájaros (y) treinta aves de corral'). The verbal form ʔaṣṣ in 1.117.10 is likely to be derived from the present nominal root (< *ʔanṣuṣ-) but cf. the discussion in [Tropper Kausativ 45ff.], with a different etymology.
финикийский:nṣ 'hawk' [T 219]. Only in the toponym ʔynṣ̣m 'the Island of Hawks' (cf. [Krah. 48]).
еврейский (иврит):nēṣ 'falcon' [KB 714], nōṣā 'falcon' [ibid. 715], pB. 'hawk' [Ja. 927]. Outside the food prohibitions of Lv 11.16 and Dt 14.15 (bet- ween šaḥap and kōs) n. is known from Job 39.26 (hămibbīnātǝkā yaʔăbär-nēṣ // yiprōŝ kǝnāpāw lǝtēmān 'is it by your wisdom that the hawk flies // spreads his wings to the South wind?'). The rendering of nōṣā in Job 39.13 as 'falcon, hawk' is highly hy- pothetic since the passage is notoriously difficult (see [Pope 260] for a tentative interpretation).
аккадский:enšub/pu 'a bird' SB [CAD e 172], enšūpu [AHw. 220]. Hapax in CT 41 7:34 (šumma ālu), v. [Salonen Vögel 161]. Both dictionaries tentatively relate to e. another, much better known bird-name eššebu 'a bird' OB on [CAD e 370] (with comprehensive discussion), [AHw. 258] (v. also [Salonen Vögel 162-]).
еврейский (иврит):yanšūp 'ibis' [KB 417]. In the dietary prohibitions of Lv 11.17 (between šālāk and tinšämät) and Dt 14.16 (between kōs and tinšämät) as well as in Is 34.11 (inhabiting ruins, together with ḳāʔat-birds, hedgehogs and crows).
арабский:nussāf- 'sorte d'oiseau semblable à l'hirondelle et pourvu d'un bec très-long' [BK 2 1250], [LA IX 329].
NOTES:Since *ya- > e is common (if not regular) in Akkadian, Akk. and Hbr. exhibit an interesting isogloss with ya-prefixation (cf. Introduction, ...). Arb. naššāf- 'bee-eater' quoted in [KB 417] is not attested in the available Arb. dictionaries (note also that š is unexpec- ted). Ebl. wa-zi-bù-um (= BURU4.TIL.MUS̆EN in [MEE 4 1369']) can hardly be related to the present root pace [Baldacci 65] (what can be behind the sign ZI in Ebl. by no means correspond to Hbr. and Akk. š). [KB 417]: Hbr., Akk. (enšūpu), Arb. (naššāf-).
аккадский:pērūrūtu 'Hausmaus' OB on [AHw. 856]. In OB the term has been mostly known as a PN, but see now the OB ālu-text where it is found twice ([Joannès 306]) as well as the OB lexical list UET 7 93r. 6 (pe-ru-[r]u-tum = Sum. SI- KIL.GÁNA, v. [Sjöberg 1996 222]). Most of the later attestations also belong to omina and lexical lists (v. [Landsberger Fauna 106]). If Landsberger is correct in assuming *pēru (< *paʔr-) as the original form of the term, -ē- < *-aʔ- is irregular. It is curious to note, however, that Landsberger himself transcribes it as pirūrūtu with a short -i- (indeed, no explicit e-spelling seems to be known).
эблаитский:ba-ra-tum/paʔratum,pāratum/ = NIN.PÉS̆ [MEE 4 0297]. Identified with the present root in [Sjöberg Ebla 14], cf. also [Kreb. 34].
арабский:faʔr-, fem. faʔr-at- 'rat; souris' [BK 2 529], [Fr. III 309], [Lane 2324], [LA V 42] (v. [Hommel 336]).
амхарский:färfär 'a kind of field mouse' [K 2290]. The reduplicated shape of the Amh. term may be due to conta- mination with färäffärä 'to break into small pieces' unless the verbal root is derived from the faunal term (cf. [Nöldeke Beiträge 109]).
NOTES:Cf. possibly Amh. faro 'stone marten, animal about the size of a cat which makes burrows, has black and white fur, a long tail and a pointed snout' [K 2276] (with a meaning shift). Comparison to Arb. birr- 'souris des champs' [BK 1 103], [Fr. I 101], [Lane 177], [LA IV 54] proposed in [CHVAL I 36] to support a reconstruction with *ṗ does not seem very convicing on phonetic grounds. Cf. Hbr. la-ḥăparpārōt in Is 2.20 (difficult context, pa- ralleled by ʕăṭallēpīm 'bats'), to be read laḥpōr pērōt accor- ding to Codex Leningradensis. This obscure word is traditionally rendered as 'shrew', 'mole' etc. (v. [KB 341]); could it be re- lated to the present root but contaminated with Hbr. and Sem. verbal root ḥpr 'to dig'? Note that Hbr. pB. ʕprprym 'species of bat' quoted [ibid.] in connection with ḥ. is not found in the available dictionaries (ХОТЯ ЛЕВИ WTM НАДО ПОСМОТРЕТЬ, КОНЕЧНО!). [Kreb. 34]: Ebl., Arb.; [LGur. 226]: Gur., Eth., Arb., Akk.
арабский:fahd- 'guepard' [BK 2 640], [Fr. III 377], [Lane 2452], [LA III 339]. See further [Hommel 299-301] where the translation 'lynx, caracal' found in some European sources is rightly rejected (cf. also [Sima 57]).
эпиграфические южноаравийские языки:Hdr. fhd-nyw 'lynx' [Pirenne 93]. In two passages connected with hunt (v. [Sima 58-9] for a detailed analysis). Pirenne's translation is not to be accepted (cf. remarks on Arb. fahd- above).
мехри:fǝhǝdēt 'animal bogy about the size of a cow' [JM 89].
джиббали:fhǝdɛ́t 'fat girl; a bogy about the seize of a cow' [JJ 54] (the second meaning is commented upon as "perhaps Mehrizing").
NOTES:Both Aramaic forms are Hapax Legomena. A borrowing from Arabic cannot be ruled out (note, however, that the Syr. text is dated by the 6th century C.E., i.e. not too late); cf. a cautious remark in [Sima 56] ("darf vielleicht ein arabisches Lehnwort vermutet werden"). Note that quite a reverse development was suggested in [Hommel 299-301] (the Arb. form was regarded as an Armaism) which is most unlikely (Hommel's comparison of the Arm. forms to Akk. piazu is of course impossible since the meaning of the Akk. term as established by modern Assyriologists is 'mouse' [AHw. 861]). For a sharp criticism of Hommel's view see already [Nöldeke review 1259-60]. Since the cheetah has been long ago exterminated in Yemen, there is no difficulty in assuming that the term which used to designate this animal was applied to call a mythical being (this comparison accepted also in [Sima 56]). It is tempting to connect with the present root Amh. fadät 'small weasel-like animal which emits a bad odor like a skunk does' [K 2333] and Sod. faǯä 'skunk' [LGur. 229], somewhat distant semantically but exhibiting a remarkable phonetic similarity (-a- is the expected reflex of the lost laryngeal).
NOTES:Arb. farǯ-, farrūǯ-, furrūǯ- 'poulet' [BK 2 562], [LA II 344] is almost certainly a Syriac loanword (so [Brock. 591]). A number of Ethiopian forms quoted in [LH] (Gez. dǝrnǝḳ, Tna. bǝrniggo) exhibit a remarkable similarity to Tgr. fǝrnǝg but their genetic relationship to the present root is difficult to assume.
NUMBER:2495
PROTO:*parḫ-
PRNUM:PRNUM
MEANING:chick, brood
еврейский (иврит):ʔäprōăḥ 'young of a bird' [KB 80], pirḥaḥ 'brood' [ibid. 967]; pB. päraḥ 'young chicken' [Ja. 1224]. In the legislation of Dt 22.6 (prohibition of taking away a bird sitting on her eggs or broods, hāʔēm rōbäṣät ʕal-hāʔäprōḥīm ʔō ʕal-habbēṣīm) and in two poetic passages (wǝʔäprōḥāw yǝʕalʕū dām // ūbaʔăšär ḥălālīm šām hū(ʔ) 'his broods lick blood // and where the slained are, he is', Job 39.30 and gam-ṣippōr māṣǝʔā bayit // ūdǝrōr ḳēn lāh // ʔăšär šātā ʔäprōḥǟhā 'the sparrow finds a house // and the swallow - her nest // where she puts her broods', Ps 84.4). The variant form pirḥaḥ is supposed to be attested in the difficult passage Job 30.12 (see [Pope 194] for its interpretation).
арамейские:D.-Alla ʔprḥ 'young bird' [HJ 98]. In I 8 (ʔprḥy ʔnph 'broods of the ʔnph-bird'), context frag- mentary (see [Hackett 48]).
иудейский арамейский:ʔäprōḥā 'brood, young bird' [Ja. 108], [Levy WTM I 149]; ʔprḥ 'young bird' [Sok. 71], parḥătā 'bird' [Ja. 1224].
геэз (древнеэфиопский):farḫ 'chick, young bird' [LGz. 166].
NOTES:Note that in [KB] Hbr. *ʔäprōăḥ (attested in the pl. ʔäprōḥīm in all the three cases) is compared to the broken plu- ral forms in Arb. (ʔafrāḫ-) and Gez. (ʔafrǝḫt) and not to the respective singular forms (note that the Gez. farḫ is not listed in [Dillmann Lexicon]). This comparison, which probably implies understanding of the Hbr. form as a kind of broken plural of the ʔaCCāC-pattern is hardly fortunate. Rather, one should regard the ʔa- of the Hbr. form as a kind of nominal prefix for which see Introduction .... (cf. also [Hackett 48]). Cf. verbal roots meaning 'to fly' in Hbr. and Arm. (Hbr. pāraḥ 'to fly' [KB 967], pB. [Ja 108], Jud. pǝraḥ 'to move swif- tly, fly, swim' [Ja. 1223], prḥ 'to fly' [Sok. 446], Syr. pǝraḥ 'volavit' [Brock. 594], Mnd. PRA 'to fly (off), move quic- kly, run' [DM 368]), most probably derived from the present no- minal root. Cf. Tna. faḥro, faḥru 'passero' [Bass. 1001], likely related with metathesis. MSA terms meaning 'bastard' are probably related to the pre- sent root (Mhr. farḫ [JM 102], Jib. fɛrḫ [JJ 62], Soq. fórḥ (férḥ) [LS 341]). Conversely, Akk. perʔu (OA parʔu) 'Spross, Nachkomme' [AHw. 856] may be only accidentally similar since *ḫ is not likely to be reflected as ʔ in Akkadian. [KB 80]: Hbr., Jud., Arb., Gez.; [LGz. 166]: Gez., Hbr., Arm., Arb.
угаритский:pr 'novillo' [DLU 353], prt 'novilla' [ibid.]. The only literary passage is KTU 1.5 V 18-19 where prt is paralleled by ʕglt 'heifer' and likely denotes a young cow: yʔuhb ʕglt bdbr // prt bšd šḥlmmt 'he loved a heifer in the steppe // a young cow in the plains of šḥlmmt'. The remaining passages are adiminstrative and cultic. Of interest is the com- bination ʔalp pr 'young bull' in 1.86.3, a curious parallel to the difficult expression par haššōr in Jud 6.25 (note that par haššēnī in the same verse is comparable to ʔalp šnt in 1.86.1; for the possiblity of emending haššēnī into haššānī 'one year old' cf. [KB 1604] and [Guillaume]).
еврейский (иврит):par 'bull, steer' [KB 960], pārā 'cow' [ibid. 964]; pB. pār,par 'bullock' [Ja. 1212], pārā 'cow' [ibid.]. The meaning of these widespread terms is discussed in [Péter 487-92]. According to Péter, the common rendering of p. as 'young bull' (contrasting with šōr 'adult bull') is erroneous: pār and pārā are used to stress the sex rather than the age of the large cattle. See further [TDAT VI 72ff.].
арамейские:Sam. pr 'bull', prh 'cow' [Tal 710]. V. the remarks on Jud. prh above.
иудейский арамейский:prh, det. prth 'cow' [Sok. 444]. The meaning is atypical for Aramaic and likely points to a Hebraism.
NOTES:Likely related are the MSA forms with inserted -ʕ-: Mhr. fōr (pl. fǝhārīn) 'young bull' [JM 87], Jib. fɔ́ʕɔ́r 'young bull, male calf' [JJ 51], Soq. fáʕhar 'jeune taureau' [LS 338] (Arb. Dof. faʕôr,t_aʕôr 'Stier' [Rhod. 46] may be due to the South Arabian substrate). The prеsence of -ʕ- can be tentatively explained by the influence of forms listed in No. ... . Of some interest are Tgr. fǝrrǝt 'pasturing herd' [LH 656], mäfrär 'herd (of cows)' [ibid.] as well as the verb färrä 'to lead to pasture' [ibid. 655]. Cf. also Amh. afʷarä 'to become a yearling ox' [K 2276]. [KB 960]: Hbr., Arm., Akk., Arb., Ugr.; [Brock. 591]: Syr., Arm., Hbr., Arb. (also farr- 'vitulus', not attested in the available Arb. dictionaries); [LS 338]: Soq., MSA, Hbr., Arb (farr- 'taureau'); [Firmage 1152]: Akk. (parru), Hbr., Ugr., Arm., Arb.
NUMBER:2497
PROTO:*pVḥVr-
MEANING:kind of worm
арабский:faḥḥār- 'worm' ('червь, червяк') [Baranov 583]. Not attested in the available dictionaries of Classical Ara- bic.
харари:fōḥri 'worm' [LHar. 162]. In fuddi fōḥri (also fuddi fōrḥi). According to Leslau, the latter form is the original one, derived by him from the verb fōräḥa 'search elsewhere' ("that which searches the anus", fuddi means 'anus'). As the comparative data show, this derivation is not entirely convincing and may represent a popular etymology.
гураге:Sel. Gog. Muh. Eža Cha. Gyt. Enm. fǝrfǝr, Muh. fǝrǝffǝr, End. fǝffǝr, Muh. fǝrǝffǝr, End. fǝffǝr 'kind of worm, eggs of the tick' [LGur. 241].
джиббали:fḥarɛ́t 'snail with a very hard shell' [JJ 54].
NOTES:Possibly related to PS *pḥr 'to dig, to make a hole', reflected in both Arb. and Eth.
