мандейский арамейский:garmidia 'two cubits' [DM 79] (singular not found).
Note also gurmaiza 'fist' compared in [KB 196], but thought to be an Iranian loanword in [DM]. If cognate, -z requires explanation
арабский:kumudd-at- 'verge, pénis' [BK 2 929].
Likely a semantic shift; for a similar shift, cf. UGR yd and HBR yād 'hand' and 'penis'
амхарский:kǝnd 'cubit (distance from the elbow to the tip of of the middle finger, appr. 48 cm.); arm, forearm' [K 1445]
гафат:kǝndä 'bras' [LGaf 209]
мехри:mǝkǝndēt 'big toe, thumb' [JM 212]
джиббали:mis̃ǝndɔ́t 'thumb, big toe' [JJ 132]
NOTES:Though an intricate case, a coincidence of a very specified meaning in HBR and ARM, on the one hand, and AMH, on the other, can hardly be accidental.
A phonetic diversity throughout SEM can be explained by (1) low compatibility of a voiced and voiceless stop in HBR and ARM, and (2) change of *-m- > -n- in contact with -d (for a similar phonetic evolution cf. *p/ban/md-(aw-)at-, No. ).
Cf. AKK gamatu 'a measure' SB in LL [CAD g 32], [AHw 278]; one wonders whether it can be explained from *gamattu < *gamad-t-u or from *gamadu, with -ad- mistaken for the -at- suffix, developed from *kamadu because of low compatibility of k and d.
Cf. ARM *garmīdā, with -r- inserted probably by contamination with some similar term; could it be ARM and SEM *garm- 'bone' (No. )?
The AMH and GAF examples were alternatively identified by Leslau with AMH kǝrn, TNA kʷǝrnaʕ 'elbow' [LGur 347] (see *kʷirnāʕ-, No. ), which is also possible. A more obscure case is END h_ǝtnä, hǝtnä 'arm, cubit, arm below the elbow' [ibid.]; it is hard to say whether this may derive from the present root or from *kʷirnāʕ-, in either case with a series of unusual phonetic transformations.
Note a derived pattern and a meaning shift in MSA.
Also CHA bänä, EŽA bännä, ENN GYE bäñä, END MSQ bäññä [ibid.]; on -n(n)- <*-rr- cf. [ibid. LI]
сокотри:berbéroh 'cuisse' [LS 94] (redupl.)
NOTES:It is not quite clear whether ETH and SOQ examples reflect an original root with no *ʔi- prefix or they have lost *ʔi (to be then treated as part of the root).
[DRS 81]: SOQ, GUR (also ARB DIAL forms discussed in *(ʔi-)bu/ar-, No. ); [LGur 149]: GUR, SOQ; [LS 94]: SOQ, GUR (ARB DIAL as in [DRS])
арабский:ʔalyat- 'queue grasse d'une espèce de moutons; mollet, gras de la jambe; gras de la cuisse, partie charnue des cuisses ou des fesses' [BK 1 49]
амхарский:lat 'fleshy part of the tail of the sheep' [K 84]
восточноэфиопские:SEL lāt 'meat of the tail of the sheep' [LGur 374]
NOTES:Leslau objects to W. Müller's equation of AMH lat with this root; instead, he relates AMH, HAR and SEL examples to MUH läbät 'meat of tail of sheep' and ZWY läbät 'podex, anus, buttocks' [LGur 374]. Though a sporadic loss of -b does occur in AMH and HAR, SEL is not listed by Leslau among the GUR dialects where -b is lost or reduced to vowel [ibid., XXX]; for the forms with -b see *lab(a)b-(at-) 'neck with chest; back and flank', No. (the meaning of MUH läbät may be due to contamination with the present root).
аккадский:ūru (urû) 'Blösse, weibliche Scham' OAkk on [AHw 1434]
еврейский (иврит):ʕärwā 'nakedness, genital area of man or a woman' [KB 882]
арабский:ʕawrat- 'toute la partie du corps entre le nombril et les genoux (chez l'homme); tout ce que la pudeur ne permet ni de voir ni de faire voir' [BK 2 405]; cf. metathetic ʕurwat- 'caroncule très-mince qui se forme dans le vagin et en tapisse les parois' [ibid. 238].
The latter form, though semantically somewhat specified, is likely to be ultimately derived from 'pudenda'
NOTES:*ʕawr-(at-) relies on AKK ūru (<*ʕawr-) and ARB ʕawrat-, while *ʕVrw-(at-) on AKK urû (<*ʕurw- < *ʕarw-?), HBR ʕärwā (-ä-<*-i-), and probably ARB ʕurwat-.
Rather derived from 'pudenda', and not vice versa as it is usually assumed, are two other meanings, 'nakedness' and 'shame'; note, however, that the former meaning is not attested in ARM *ʕi/arw/y-at (unless an isolated AZR era 'penis' [Garb 305] is related with a meaning shift): BIB ʕarwat- (constr.) 'Blösse, Schland' [KB deutsch 1762], JUD ʕīrītā, ʕiryǝtā, ʕiryā, ʕäryā do. [Ja 1076], ʕryyh, det. ʕryyth 'nakedness' [Sok 419] (<*ʕi/ary-at-), SYR ʕaryat 'nude' (adv.) [Brock 548] (<*ʕary-at-), HRT ruta 'nackt' [J Hert 197] (<*ʕVrw-at-ā, with a loss of the first syllable). As for TGR ʕǝwär, ʕurät 'shame' [LH 477] and such MSA forms as HRS ʕār 'disgrace' [JH 13], they are most probably Arabisms.
арабский:ʔadm- 'modèle, example à imiter' [BK 1 19]; dumyat- 'figure, statue de marble; idole; jolie femme', dmy II 'ê. en evidence et visible' [BK 1 736] (likely a loan from Aram.)
тигре:dumät 'uncertain outlines of a figure or of an object' [LH 516]
NOTES:Traditionally regarded as related to ARB ǧumǧum-at- 'crâne, os du crâne' [BK 1 323] which is improbable. Unless the latter is a borrowing in MSA (which is impossible to verify), a separate SEM (ARB and MSA) root may be reconstructed, cf. MHR gǝmgǝmōt [JM 120], JIB gǝmgũt 'skull' [JJ 76], SOQ gémgémoh 'tête' [LS 110], [SSL LS 1457]). One also wonders whether TGR ǧämäǧǧǝm 'chin and cheeks' [LH 549] may be related: a "broken plural" coinciding with ARB ǧamāǧim-, and ǧ instead of *g speak for an Arabic borrowing; note, however, the difference in meaning.
Note that SYR gāgoltā elsewhere compared to this root (e.g. [KB 191], where an explicit reference to [Brock 103] is given) is translated in [Brock 103] as 'ambon in occidentali ecclesiae parte'.
As for ARB ǧulǧulat- (in [Holma] above) and ǧalǧalat- (in [KB] above), they are not found in the available dictionaries of ARB
NOTES:See derived verbs in ESA: SAB gnb 'to be beside smth.' [SD 50] and MIN gnb 'se trouver à côté de qqn/qqch' [LM 36].
To the ETH examples above to be reconstructed as *gabaw-, cf. TGR AMH ARG wägäb 'side, waist', ZWY wägäb 'waist' [LGur 647] (all metathetically related?).
Cf. GUR: ENN gupa 'height of body, stature' [LGur I 317], GYE gʷǝpa 'height' [ibid. 675], END guppä- [ibid. 191], GOG gubba- 'self' [ibid. 565], SOD gubba- 'alone, self' [ibid. 1063]; all < *gubba (see [LGur 256]), with a meaning shift 'side; back; body' > 'height of body, stature' > 'self'?
Note that MSA examples (MHR, HRS and JIB) may be Arabisms.
аккадский:giššu (gilšu) 'hip, flank' MB on [CAD g 73]; [AHw 288].
Though gilšu is given as the first variant in both dictionaries, it is giššu which is found in the majority of contexts; one wonders whether -l- in gilšu may be explained by the scribes' effort to render laterality
еврейский (иврит):PB gäsäs 'side, arm' [Ja 261].
s instead of the expected *ŝ is not infrequent in late Biblical and postbiblical texts
современные арамейские:AZR gissa 'backbone, coccyx' [Garb 307]
арабский:ǧawš- 'poitrine; milieu (du corps de l'homme)' [BK 1 357], ǧūš-, ǧawš- 'poitrine' [ibid.]; cf. ǧašš- 'milieu du dos, vertèbres (d'une bête de somme)' [ibid. 295], ǧuʔšūš- 'poitrine' [ibid. 245], ǧaʔš- 'coeur, âme, esprit' [ibid.], ǧāš-, ǧāyišat- do. [ibid. 362]; cf. maǧass-at- 'poitrine' [ibid. 293]
современные арабские языки:DAT_ ǧišša 'cadavre, corps mort' [GD 283]
мехри:gǝŝŝēt 'body, corpse' [JM 126] (with a current shift 'side, part of body' > 'body' > 'dead body')
джиббали:géŝǝ́t 'side' [JJ 79]
NOTES:Note a variety of patterns: *giŝŝ- in AKK, ARM (and MSA?); *gaŝŝ- in HBR PB and ARB; *gawŝ- and several others in ARB.
Cf. ETH GUR: CHA ENN END GYE g'išä 'back of body' [LGur 310] related by Leslau to SOD g'inžä etc., with the same meaning, assuming all these forms are from CUSH [ibid.]. That GUR *ginžä <*ginz- is not a Cushitism, but an inherited SEM stem, see in *gin(ā)z-at-, No. ); whether GUR forms in -š- are really related to those in -nž- (cf. [LGur LXXI]) or should be separated from the latter and compared to the present root, is difficult to say.
Likely related to W. CHAD: DIRI ngèŝè, GEJI ngeŝì 'chest' [Stolb 121] (<*n-geĉi < *nV-gayĉi ? [ibid.]), POLCHI gwǝŝ 'shoulder' (differently interpreted in [Stolb 119]); the AFRASIAN proto-form would rather be *gay/wĉ-.
Cf. probably related (with suffixed -r?) forms in ARB and MSA: MHR gǝŝōr 'side of chest' and perhaps 'chest cavity' [JM 126], SOQ QALAN-B gíššhǝr, QADHUB gīŝor 'poitrine' [SSL LS 1458], QALAN-V gī́ŝhǝr do. [SSL 4 95]; cf. also ARB ǧušr-at- 'aspérité de la voix, enrouement et toux' [BK 1 296], ǧašar- 'dureté, aspérité de la voix, provenant de l'enrouement, du rhume' [ibid.] (semantically evolved from the original meaning 'chest'?).
On another form possibly to compare, with unexplained -f, see MSA: JIB gɛŝf 'rib' [JJ 80], SOQ geŝf 'côte' [LS 118].
[Kauf 52]: AKK, ARM (regarding ARM as an AKK loan); [DRS 195]: HBR, ARM, ARB, MSA; [Brock 126]: SYR, ARM
аккадский:(?) gattu 'figure, shape' MARI, SB, NB [CAD g 58], [AHw 283].
Contextually may rather be translated as 'body' (e.g. emūḳī lā šanān ušaršû gatti 'they endowed my body with unequalled power'). Double -tt- is difficult to explain (<*gaʔ-t-?)
еврейский (иврит):gǝwiyyā 'body; corpse' [KB 193]; gaw, gēw 'back' [ibid. 182] (note a meaning shift unattested in other languages)
иудейский арамейский:gēw, gaw, gawwā (constr. gō) 'belly, innermost' [Ja 116]; gǝwiytā, giwyǝtā 'body' [Ja 220]; cf. gwyyh 'euph. for male sexual organ' [Sok 123]
арабский:ǧuʔǧuʔ- 'poitrine' [BK 1 244] (redupl.); cf. ǧwy 'avoir une maladie de poitrine' [ibid. 360]
амхарский:gʷǝyya (guyya) 'area between the thighs, lap; space between the body and one's garments' [K 2032] (or to be placed under *gaw(w)- 'inside', etc.? See above)
According to Leslau, from CUSH, but rather a reduplication of the present root. Cf. also CHA EŽA MUH gämʷäǧä, GYE gäwäǧä, ENN gō̃ǧä 'body; skin of body; gut; sinew' [ibid. 277] (<*gawgaw-? On a possibility of ǧ < *g in GUR see in the comments to *gišm- 'body', No. ). Note EŽA MUH MSQ GOG SOD gäggäbät, CHA GYE gäkäbät, ENN gäk_äbäd, END gäkkǟd 'chest of an animal' which has no convincing etymology, but may represent a compound of *gaʔ- + *kabid- (the SEM word for 'liver' which came to mean 'belly' in most of ETH)
джиббали:gɛ́hɛʔ (ɛghét) 'chest, breast' [JJ 73]
сокотри:gehe 'poitrine' [LS 103]; NOGED gɛ́hɛʔ do., et al. [SSL LS 1457]
NOTES:A very tentative vocalic reconstruction.
Meanings rather diverse, 'body' and 'chest' appearing to be the primary ones.
Cf. a non-anatomic term 'insides', very likely derived from the present one, but rather to be reconstructed as a separate SEM *gaw(w)-: PHO gw 'midst' [T 63]; ARM: BIB gō 'Inneres' [KB deutsch 1685-6], OLD OFF NAB PLM HTR gw 'interior' [HJ 217], JUD gw 'inside, in, on' [Sok 121], SYR gawwā 'intra, intus' [Brock 107], MND gaua 'inside, interior, inner part' [DM 74] (also giuta 'interior, inside' [ibid. 89]); ARB ǧaww- 'intérieur, fond (d'une maison, etc.)', EGP DIAL 'dans' [BK 1 348]; ESA: MIN gw-n 'partie intérieure d'une construction'; ETH: TGR go 'to, at, near' [LH 558].
Sometimes compared to phonetically similar terms meaning 'depression, hole' in various SEM languages, which in fact make a different root *gay/wVʔ- 'valley, depression, lowland': HBR gay(ʔ) 'valley' [KB 188]; ARB ǧaww-, pl. ǧiwāʔ- 'terrain déprimé, encaissé, fond de la vallée; champ, plaine'; ESA: MIN gwʔ 'carrière' [LM 37]; MSA: JIB gɔ̄t, pl. gói 'deep hole, depression' [JJ 80].
[DRS 106]: HBR, ARM, SOQ, AMH (incl. SEM 'inside' and 'valley, depression'); [Brock 107]: SYR, ARM, HBR, ARB (incl. 'inside' and 'valley'), ESA (gw, untranslated); [KB 182-3]: HBR (gaw, gǝwiyyā), ARM (also 'inside'), ARB, PUN (both 'inside'), SOQ
аккадский:upnu '(geballte) Hand' OB on [AHw 1424].
ḫapnu quoted in some comparative studies (e.g. [KB 339]) is not attested either in [CAD] or in [AHw] and is to be read h_abūnu [CAD h_ 85]
угаритский:(?) ḥpn 'puño' [Del Olmo 548].
Uncertain, see [Aist 105], [Gordon 398]. In [DLU 179] the word in question is translated as 'codicia, acaparamiento, arrebato' (< 'to grasp by handfuls'?)
еврейский (иврит):ḥopnayim (dual) 'the hollow of both hands' [KB 339] (<*ḥupn-)
арамейские:OFF ḥpn, certain measure of capacity [HJ 395]
мехри:ḥāfǝn 'amount held in cupped hands' [JM 169]
джиббали:ḥáfǝn do. [JJ 105]
NOTES:Though -a- attested in one of the ARB examples and MSA may in principle reflect the original vocalism (> -u- elsewhere before -p-), an opposite development (*-u- > -a- after ḥ-) is more plausible in view of -u- in all other languages.
Note what can be reconstructed as *umfuñña in ETH EAST and GUR and a doubling of -f- in AMH and ARG probably reflecting *-mf-, the underlying S. ETH form to be reconstructed as *umf(u)-ñña (with the suffix -ñña) from *ḥunf-, with metathesis and *-n- > -m- near -f-, from ETH *ḥufn-.
The MHR and JIB examples may, in principle, be Arabisms; cf., however, lack of the feminine marker vs. ARB forms in -at -. See also SOQ ḥáfen 'giron' [LS 184], [SSL LS 1459], probably related with a meaning shift 'hollow of the hand' > 'hollow of the lap'.
арабский:kāʕ-, kūʕ- 'condyle, surtout os de la main qui touche au puce ou au doigt articulaire; os de la cheville du pied, extrémité de l'os zind' [BK 2 944]
амхарский:kotte 'foot, hoof (of a horse)' [K 1426]; cf. kati 'Achilles tendon' [ibid.]
гураге:SOD kotte 'hoof' [LGur 1075]
NOTES:Otherwise *ku/aʕ-(t-). A tentative reconstruction of labiovelar relies on the comparison with ETH: AMH kʷätte, kotte, SEL WOL kotte, CHA GYE kʷäte etc. 'trace, track, footprint' [LGur 356]. Though, according to Leslau [ibid.], borrowed from Cushitic, these examples cannot be homonymous and unrelated to the terms meaning 'foot, hoof' in AMH and SOD, while a normal semantic shift is 'foot, hoof' > 'trace, footprint', and not vice versa. Hence, the AMH and SOD examples meaning 'hoof, foot', as well as other ETH forms with a derived meaning 'trace, etc.' are well comparable, both semantically and phonetically (<*kʷätt <*kʷaʕ-t- or <*kawVʕ-t- <*kuʕ-t-?), to the SYR and ARB data.
Brockelmann asks whether it is from ARB; cf., however, difference in the first syllable vocalism
мандейский арамейский:(?) kursiat, in k. anpia 'Nasenbein' (marked as "doubtful") [DM 209 apud Nöldeke]
арабский:kursūʕ- 'saille de l'os zind- à l'extrémité du petit doigt qui touche la main, os à l'extrémité du tarse du pied appelé waẓīf- (chez les animaux)' [BK 2 885].
Cf. karsūḥ- 'pouce' [ibid.], a variant root with ʕ/ḥ
NOTES:Vocalic reconstruction provisional.
The coincidence in meaning of AKK and ARB is somewhat striking; the ARM (SYR and MND) examples are questioned in the corresponding dictionaries without giving any reasons.
Cf. *ḳVrc̣Vll- 'ankle' (No. ); *kʷirnāʕ- 'knee with a shin' (No. ).
[Holma 148] AKK (transcribed as ḳursinnu and compared to HBR and ARM froms of the ḳVrVs/ṣl- type)
аккадский:labânu (labiānu, libânu) 'tendon of the neck; neck' OB on [CAD l 12] [AHw 524]
арабский:lubb-at- 'le haut de la poitrine qui touche à la clavicule' [BK 2 955] (-u- < *-a- before -bb?), labab- 'le haut de la poitrine ou de poitrail d'où descend un collier ou autre parure du cou' [ibid.].
Cf. also labān- 'poitrine, surtout la partie entre les mamelles, poitrail (de tout animal à sabot)' [ibid. 962]
тигре:läbbät 'place of the fillet steak on the back of animals; midst, side' [LH 40]
гураге:MUH MSQ GOG SOD laba, CHA EZ̆A naba, ENN GYE nab_a 'waist' [ibid. 373].
Leslau considers it a loan from E. CUSH (KAMB HAD leṗa), which is less likely in view of the comparative SEM data. Cf. MUH läbät 'meat of tail of sheep' [LGur I 900] (cf. discussion in [LGur 374])
мехри:mǝlább 'side' [JM 250].
A derived pattern. Cf. ǝwtǝbūb 'to wrap os. in a waist-cloth' [ibid.] placed under the same root lbb (i.e. <*ǝltǝbūb with the infixed -t-?)
джиббали:lɛb 'side' [JJ 159]
NOTES:Meaning somewhat diffuse (originally may denote trunk as a whole). Anyway, semantically and phonetically (-a- vis. -i-) rather to be separated from *libb- 'heart' (No. ).
The underlying form in AKK is *laby-ān-; note the -ān suffix in AKK and one of the ARB examples
аккадский:pūtu 'Stirn, Stirnseite' OB on [AHw 884], pl. pâtu (< *puātu) and pūtātu [ibid.]
еврейский (иврит):(?) pōt 'brow, forehead', pl. pōtōt [KB 983].
Note the form with pronominal suffix pot-hēn 'their (fem.) pōt' in [Is 3.17], which definitely implies the proto-form *put-. Meaning questionable; attested in the Bible only twice in ambiguous contexts: in [1 K 7: 50] denoting part of the door, translated as 'front side, fac̣ade' in [KB 983] and alternatively interpreted as 'socket of the door pin' in [Ja 1149]; and in [Is 3: 17] in the phrase "The Lord will make scabby the skull (ḳodḳōd) of the daughters of Zion and Yhwh will lay bare their pōt" (on an interpreting this term as 'female pudenda' see *paʔw/y-at- 'genital organ', No. )
сирийский арамейский:paʔtā, patā 'facies', also 'latus' [Brock 554]
мандейский арамейский:puta 'forehead' [DM 369]
амхарский:fit 'face, features, front' [K 2305]
восточноэфиопские:ZWY ǝfit, SEL WOL uft 'face' [LGur 22].
u- is rather from *i- before -f
гураге:ENN END GYE MSQ GOG SOD ift, MUH ǝft, CHA EZ̆A ENN MUH GOG SOD yift, yǝft do. [ibid.]
NOTES:*-V- in the proto-form should probably be replaced by *-i- supported by ETH and SOQ; -u in AKK, MND and HBR (if related) might be explained by the influence of *p-, and -a- in SYR, by the influence of -ʔ-.
Likely related to SEM *piʔ-at- 'border, side' rather to be reconstructed, however, on the PSEM level as a separate root: AKK piātum 'Seite' OB Mari [AHw 861] (considered by Soden a Canaanite loanword); UGR paʔt 'Saum, Grenzen, Gefilde' [Aist 252]; HBR pēʔā 'side, edge, hairline, corner' [KB 907-8]; JUD pā(ʔ)tā 'section, segment, corner' [Ja 1132], SYR paʔtā, patā 'latus' [Brock 554].
Note ARM: JUD ʔappūtā 'front of the face, forehead' (also 'nose') [Ja 101] and SYR ʔappūtā (ʔāpūtā) 'frons' [Brock 39], where ʔais to be explained either by contamination of the present root with ARM *ʔappā 'nose' (see *ʔanp- 'nose', No. ) or as a prefix (in this case, however, with an unusual doubling of the primary stem first radical); cf. ʔV-prefixed stems also in ETH EAST (SEL WOL and ZWY) and GUR, where the underlying form is likely *ʔifit <*ʔafit <*ʔa-piʔ-t.
There is ARB fiʔ-at- 'troupe (d'hommes)' [BK 2 531] interpreted as 'front' in [Noeldeke 1910 152], which can be as well compared to *piʔ-at- 'border, side'; anyway, a meaning shift is not clear.
Cf. GEZ la-fe 'to this side, in the direction of, that way' (prep.) [LGz 154] and TNA fit 'di fronte, dirimpetto' [Bass 998] which may relate either to *pVʔ-at- or to *piʔ-at- 'border, side'.
Of interest are pl. forms in AKK pūtātu and HBR pōtōt where the feminine marker -t is similarly treated as part of the root.
[Holma 13]: AKK pūtu considered "eine Weiterbildung von pû 'Mund" and "also weder mit [HBR] pēʔā noch mit pōt zusammenhängend"; [KB 983]: HBR, AKK, ARB (fiʔat- 'group'), AMH, SOQ; [Brock 554]: SYR, AKK; [LHar 65]: HAR, ETH, AKK (compared, in its turn, to HBR pēʔā, ARB fiʔat-); [LS 332]: SOQ, ARB (fiʔat-), HBR (pēʔā), SYR, AKK, GEZ (fit)
NOTES:Note a derived meaning in TNA rǝḥm-u 'bocconi, a ventre a terra' [Bass 141], hardly a loan from ARB, which makes one hesitate in qualifying TGR rǝḥm 'womb, descent', the only ETH example meaning 'womb', as an Arabism.
MHR and JIB räḥm are quite likely Arabisms, while forms in mǝ- are shaped after a derived pattern and look genuine.
There is a derived meaning 'compassion, pity, mercy, kindness' and a corresponding verb to be reconstructed for as early as PSEM: AKK rēmu, rīmu 'Erbarmen, Mitleid' OB on [AHw 970]; UGR rḥm 'mitleidsvoll, liebevoll sein' [Aist 291]; HBR rḥm (ḳal, piʕ) 'to love, to meet someone with love, to take pity on someone' [KB 1217], raḥămīm 'a feeling of love, loving sensation, mercy' [ibid. 1218] (with an unusual vocalism, instead of *rǝḥāmīm); ARM: BIB raḥămīn 'Erbarmen' [KB deutsch 1781], MND RHM 'to love, to have pity' [DM 426]; ARB rḥm 'être compatissant, avoir pitié de quelqu'un' [BK 1 838]; SAB rḥm 'to be merciful' [SD 116]; MSA: MHR rǝḥām 'to be kind to so.' [JM 321], HRS reḥām 'to pity' [JH 103], JIB raḥám 'to be kind' [JJ 210]. Note that in ETH only a variant root *mḥr with metathesis is attested (HAR raḥmät 'mercy, compassion' [LHar 134] and related forms are Arabisms): GEZ mḥr 'to have compassion' [LGz 336], TGR mäḥarä 'to have pity' [LH 111], TNA mäḥarä 'avere pietà' [Bass 78], AMH marä 'to pardon, forgive, to have mercy' [K 171], EAST: WOL marä, SEL ZWY mārä 'to forgive, pardon' [LGur 417].
Rather of an areal usage is another derived meaning, 'slavegirl', attested in UGR and CAN languages only: UGR rḥm 'Maid' [Aist 291], MOAB rḥm 'kriegsgefangene Konkubine' [Segert 266], HBR räḥäm 'slavegirl' (in Ju 5:30) [KB 1217].
MEANING:'service in the cult, worship' 1, 'secret, mystery' 2, 'divulge (a secret), promulgate' 3
финикийский:mšrt 'list of duties; liturgy, service' HAL
еврейский (иврит):šārēt 'ritual service in the cult', šrt (pi) 'to serve; attend to the service of God' HAL 1662
иудейский арамейский:šērūtā 'service, worship' HAL
арабский:srr III 'dire quelque chose à l'oreille du quelqu'un; confier un secret à q.', IV 'divulguer (un secret)' BK 3 1074; sirr- secret, mystère, arcane', sa/irar- 'ligne, rai:e sur le front ou sur la paume de la main' 1075; sāʔir- (<syr) 'qui pratique la vie spirituelle', syr II 'mettre en circulacion (un proverbe, un poe:me, etc.)' (<syr marcher, aller, voyager'?) 1174-5
