Arabic:ǯny 'cuellir des fruits', II 'abonder en produits qu'on cueille, qu'on récolte, comme plantes, céréales, etc.' (BK 1, 340), Daǖ. dial. ǯanā 'remove the honey from a beehive' (LGur., 318)
Akkadian:akkullu 'a hammer-like tool, tool for field work' OAkk. on (CAD a1, 276; secondary reduplication of k <*ʔa-kull-?), kullu 'hoe' Lex. (Ibid. k 508)
Akkadian:ikkaru, inkaru (Nuzi) 'plowman, farm laborer; farmer, small farmer; plow animal (Nuzi)' OAkk on (CAD i, 49; AHw, 368; acc. to both sources, from Sum engar, which is hardly so in view of the comparative data)
Hebrew:ʔikkār 'agricultural worker without land' (HAL, 47)
Arabic:ʔakr- 'action de creuser la terre, une fosse; action de laborer la terre', ʔakkār- 'qui creuse la terre, fossoyeur; laboureur' (BK 1, 42), ʔkr 'labourer (le sol), le creuser' (Belot 1929, 11)
Amharic:akkärä 'to renew the land by plowing and sowing' (LGur 593)
Gurage:Chaha t-akärä, Enn. Gyeto t-ākärä, End. t-ākkärä 'to build a house and cultivate the field around it for the first time' (LGur 593)
Notes:The Hbr. and Arm. forms and, probably, Arb. ʔakkār- may eventually be Akk. loanwords, in which case the Mnd. and Arb. verbs should be analyzed as an exeptional instance of an "artificial" reverse primary verb derivation from an agent noun *ʔi/akkār- derived, in its turn, from Sem. *ʔkr 'to cultivate, plough' preserved in Amh. and Gur.
Akkadian:ludû, an administrative designation of a field (probably a field, on which specific work obligations have to be performed) OB on (CAD l, l238); 'eine Art Saatfeld' (AHw, 561; <*lVdw/y-)
Arabic:ladīdat- 'jardin couvert de verdure et de fleurs' (BK 2, 982; with a meaning shift?)
Akkadian:marru 'spade, shovel' OB on (CAD m, 287; AHw, 612; acc. to both sources, from Sum. MAR; the Akk. term is commonly thought to be a loan in Syr. and Arb., Ibid.; however, the obviously related Amh. and Gur. as well as Ch. forms cannot be loans which confirms a Semitic origin of the Akk. marru to be therefore regarded as a source for the Sum. MAR), mayāru 'to plough without seeder; land ploughed with the m.-plough' SB on (CAD m, 120; AHw, 587)
Syrian Aramaic:marrā, maʔrā 'marra, pala ferrea vel ligo' (Brock., 400)
Arabic:marr- 'pelle en fer' (BK 2, 1083)
Amharic:märämmärä 'to dig'
Gurage:*mirämärä 'to plough a field for the third time' (LGur., 422; redupl.)
Akkadian:niggallu, ningallu 'sickle' OB, OA on (CAD n, 213; AHw, 787; acc. to both sources, a Sum. loanword, which is not so in view of the comparative data; <*mingal-?)
Hebrew:maggāl 2 (HAL, 545)
Judaic Aramaic:maggǝlā 2 (HAL, 545)
Syrian Aramaic:maggaltā 2 (HAL, 545)
Mandaic Aramaic:manglia 'sythes' (DM, 247)
Arabic:nǯl 'faucher (les céréales), labourer (la terre)' (Belot 1929, 807), minǯal- 'faucille de moissonneur' (BK 2, 1208)
Notes:All <*mi/a-ngal- 'sickle', an instrumental noun derived from the verb *ngl 'to reap'
Akkadian:šakāku 'to harrow' OA, OB on (CAD š1, 113), šikkatu 'harrowed land' OB (Ibid. š2 433)
Epigraphic South Arabian:(?) Sab. s1kt, a proper name (in: ʔhl ḥrt_ s1ktn Conti Rossini 1931, 195; my interpretation of s1k-t as 'plough' or 'harrow' and the whole context as 'folk ploughing with a plough or harrow' is highly hypothetic)
Akkadian:immeru 'sheep; sheep and goats; ram' OA, OB on [CAD i 129], [AHw. 378]; immertu 'ewe, sheep (as a generic term)' OB on [CAD i 128], [AHw. 378].
Ugaritic:ʔimr 'cordero' [DLU 35-6]. // A well-attested poetic term (the only exception is the cultic passage 1.119:10: ʔimr w ynt ḳrt lt_ʕ 'a lamb and a pigeon for the Noble'). Of interest is the phonetic (?) variant ʔamr in 1.20 I 10 agreeing with one of the Arb. forms below (cf. [Tropper UG 173-4]). See further [Del Olmo Sheep 184-5].
Phoenician:ʔmr 'lamb' [T 24]. // In the magical text from Arslan Tash (KAI 27:4-5) as part of the name of an evil demon (ḥnḳt ʔmr 'Strangler of the lamb'), see [Gibson 85] (quoting interesting paralles from Arabic and Ugaritic). Since both the orthography and the language of the Arslan Tash texts contains a number of features often regarded as Aramaic, the present term could be considered an Aramaism. This assumption seems less likely in view of the occurrence of ʔmr in the Punic offering tariff KAI 69:9 (bʔmr ʔm bgd 'for a lamb or a kid').
Hebrew:ʔimmēr 'lamb' [KB 67]. // A Hapax in the difficult passage Gn 49:21: naptālī ʔayyālā šǝlūḥā hannōtēn ʔimrē šāpär. For a survey of interpretations see [KB 1636] (with a somewhat strange conclusion: ""darling lambs" sounds pretty, but is not linguistically possible, for lamb would normally be expressed by ṭālǟ"). See further [Del Olmo Religión 128] on KTU 1.108.10 which may be of great importance for the interpretation of the Hbr. text (ʔaklt.ʕgl @l.m // št[yt.ʔi]mr.špr 'eating the divine (?) calf // drinking the beautiful (?) lamb').
Aramaic: Anc. ʔmr 'lamb, sheep' [HJ 78]. // In KAI 222A:23 (šbʕ šʔn yhynḳn ʔmr 'severn ewes will suckle a lamb', see [Fitzmyer 81]) and in a practically identical passage from TF 20 (wmʔh sʔwn lhynḳn ʔmr, paralleled by Akk. 1 ME U8 lā ušabbâ UDU.NIM, see [STF 65]). // Off. ʔmr 'lamb, sheep' [HJ 78]. // Besides administrative texts, in Aḥiq 121 (cf. [PY XXV], [Kott. 188]). // Dem. ʔmr 'lamb' [HJ 1253]. // Plm. ʔmr 'lamb, sheep' [HJ 78] (см. [PAT 340]).
Biblical Aramaic:ʔimmēr 'lamb' [KB 1816]. // In the lists of sacrificial animals (Ezr 6.9,17 and 7.17).
Arabic:ʔa/immar- 'agneau' [BK 1 53], [Fr. I 58], [Lane 97], [LA IV 32].
Notes: According to a widespread point of view (e.g. [Zimmern 50]), the WS forms are Akkadisms (cf. [CAD i 129]: "the Kulturwort immeru appears in Ugarit as imru (sic!) and Aram. as emrā") while the Arb. term is an Aramaism (see [Hommel 237] who points out to the late occurrence of the Arb. term). The non-borrowed nature of the Arm. words is defended in [KB 1817] ("probably not a loanword but rather a common sbst."), for a sharp criticism of Hommel's view cf. [Nöldeke 1261-2]. // [KB 67]: Hbr., Ugr., Arm., Pho., Akk., Arb.; [DLU 35]: Ugr., Hbr., Pho., Arm., Akk.; [Brock. 26]: Syr., Arm., Arb., Akk.
Eblaitic:a-wi-um = Sum. [DÀR]A?.DÀ [MEE IV 1251']. // To be normalized as /ʔarwiyum/ (on the orthographic conventions underlying this interpretation v. [Conti Ebla 19, 32ff.]). Cf., however, Sem. *ʔiwVy- No. 95. Hardly to be identified with *ʔayyal- No. ... as proposed in [Bonechi-Conti 10].
Arabic:ʔurwiyyat- 'chèvre de montagne' [BK 1 959], [Fr. II 214], [Lane 1196-7], [LA XIV 350] (ʔal-ʔunt_ā̀ mina-l-wuʕūli; also ʔirwiyyat-). V. further [Hommel 281].
Epigraphic South Arabian: (?) Sab. ʔrwy-n (pl.) '(female) mountain goat, ibex' [SD 7]. // A Hapax in the dificult passage RES 4176/5: ḥt_̣r tʔlb s1ʔr ʔrwyn bn ns3g bn mṣrn ('the god [Tʔlb] has prohibited the rest of the mountain goats from being prevented from feeding' according to [Biella 26]). The traditional interpretation of this term as an animal name was rightly put to doubt in [Sima 25] ('Tʔlb hat ein Verbot erlassen bezüglich der ʔRWY, dass man (sie) nicht wegtreibe? von dem MṢR').
Mehri:ʔarī́t 'goat' [Nakano 116].
Notes:The Akk. form is to be treated, at least synchronically, as a separate lexeme different from armu (on which see below); only forms with noncontracted or plene-written Auslaut are thought to belong here. Aboundantly attested from OAkk. on, they are found almost exclusively in proper names and lexical lists (ar-mu-u = ṣabītum in Malku V 42, ar-wi-um = MAS̆.DÀ in CBS 8538:17) which made doubtful the genuine Akk. origin of the term (cf. the explicit statement in [CAD]: "the WSem. loan armû"). Now, however, a. is attested not only in OB Mari (šētētum <ša> ar-wi-i 'nets <for> gazelles' ARM 14 38:6), but also in the OB Baby-Beschwörung OECT XI 19 22 (liṣbassu-mi ša iṣbatu ṣabītam likassīšu-mi ša ukassû ar-wi-[am] 'may that who caught the gazelle catch him, may that who tied the deer tie him!', cf. [Far ber...]) so that its good Akk. origin is beyond doubt. // According to the commonly accepted point of view, the above forms should be united with Hbr. ʔaryē 'lion', Gez. ʔarwe 'wild animal' and similar terms (cf. No. ...) into one PS root meaning 'wild beast' (v., among many others, [Hommel 281-2], [Landsberger 100], [DRS 32], [LGz. 40], [Lipiński Lion 213], with reservations also [OS No. 56]). At present, we prefer to treat the two groups of terms as belonging to separate PS roots (doubts about the correctness of the traditional approach cf. already in [Nöldeke MG 167]). Note in particular that if the traditional approach is correct, one has either to assume that the rather specific meaning shift 'wild beast' > 'wild goat' occurred independently in both Akkadian and Arabic (languages quite distant both geographically and genealogically) or to posit it already for the earliest stages of PS (which practically amounts to postulating two separate roots as it is done here). On the other hand, the obvious advantage of the traditional approach is that it takes into account the complementary distribution of the two sets of meanings: in no Sem. language both *ʔarwVy- 'wild goat' and *ʔarwVy- 'wild beast, lion' are reflected. // Definitely inconvincing is the comparison of both groups of terms to Akk. erû 'eagle' (for which v. No. ...). // Likely related to the present root are semantically similar forms with the base *ʔVr- augmented with suffixed -m- or -n- (cf. *ʔVrn/m-, No.). // For bibliographic references v. next item.
Arabic:ʔirān- 'oryx mâle' [Blachère 89], [LA XIII 14] (= ʔat_-t_awru; ʔat_-t_awru l-waḥšiyyu). Not in [BK], in [Fr. I 29] only šātu ʔirānin 'taurus'.
Epigraphic South Arabian:Qat. ʔrmm, transl. as 'merchandise, wares' in [Ricks 15] with references to other sources, transl. this term as 'small cattle'
Geʕez (Ethiopian):ʔornā 'kind of antelope' [LGz. 38].
Gurage:Gog. Muh. ǝrrǝññä 'ram, small male sheep' [LGur. 90].
Mehri:ḥā-ráwn 'goats' [JM 7].
Jibbali:ʔɛrún id. [JJ 4].
Harsusi:ḥe-werūn id. [JH 3].
Soqotri:ʔérehon 'moutons, chèvres' [LS 75].
Notes: The Akk. term is to be separated from armû (for which v. No. ...), see [Landsberger Fauna 94-], [Salonen Jagd 179-]. In the present word, -m is from *m and probably has a suffixal origin while in armû it is a regular evolution of w and belongs to the base; the Auslaut is always written defectively differently from the regular plene in armû (though, admittedly, the st. pron. ar-ma-šu in Maqlû VII 25 is quite unexpected and might suggest a contamination of the two terms). // The existence of a fem. counterpart for this term in Akk. (armatu/arantu) is questionable. According to von Soden, both forms are present here. armatu 'Bergziege' [AHw. 69] is thought to be attested as an Akk. loan in Ur III Sumerian documents (AR.MA.TUM, (v. [Limet 82]: H.Limet Documents économiques de la IIIe dynastie d'Ur RA 49 pp. 69-93) and in MB (pl. ar-ma-a-tum). // In both cases the term would represent animal figures, not the animals themselves. As for arantu/arandu 'Bergziege' [AHw. 64], it is postulated (following [Landsberger Fauna 94]) only in the SB divinatory text AfO 9.119.7 (šikitti a-ra-anti/di šakinḳarnāšu kurrâ 'it [the ewe] looks like a.: its horns are short'). In favour of this approach cf. further [Salonen Jagd 179]. On the contrary, none of the terms is present in [CAD] where armatu is divided into two non-faunal lexemes 'copper part of a door' and 'an ornament' ([CAD a2 291]) while arant/du is translated as 'wild donkey' [ibid. 212] (hardly acceptable, see convincing criticism in [Salonen Jagd 179]). // Cf. Syr. ʔarwānā (pl. ʔarwānītā) 'vitulus, vitula' [Brock. 47], [PS 372], somewhat different semantically (compared to Syr. ʔarnā, Arb. ʔirān- in [PS]). One can hardly agree with Brockelmann in qualifying this term as an Iranian loan (< Avestan *aurvant- 'quick, brave'), cf. [Cianсaglini MS]. // Cf. Qat. ʔrmm translated by some authors as 'small cattle' (v. [Ricks 15] for references; translation accepted by Ricks is 'merchandise, wares'). It would be tempting to compare to the present root Cha. Eža Msq. äram, Gyt. äram, Enm. энм. arãm 'cow' [LGur. 89], but according to Leslau they represent a phonetic evolution of lam. // Likely to be connected with *ʔVrwiy- '(wild) goat; gazelle' No. ... (note especially the MSA forms above where -n is clearly attached on a base ending with a long vowel). // [DRS 33]: Akk., Syr., Arb., Soq. (further compared to terms listed in *ʔVrwiy-, No. ...); [LGz. 38]: Gez., Syr., Akk., Soq., Jib.; [LS 75]: Soq., Syr., Akk.
Akkadian:(?) alu (elu) 'a fine breed of sheep' [CAD a1 374], [AHw. 39] (rendered as ālu, jālu). // Extensively commented in the discussion section of the article in [CAD] as well as in [Steinkeller 52]. According to Steinkeller, the earliest attestations of UDU.A.LUM are in Sum. lexicals lists from Abū Salābīh̊ and Ebla. Later on, the term is common in economic texts from Ur III, early OB, Mari and Qatna. Both CAD and Steinkeller assume its identity with aslu, a literary term for 'ram, lamb' found mostly in later texts. Since the phonetic development alu > aslu (or vice versa) is difficult, one tends to agree with Steinkeller that A.LUM is "an abbreivated/defective Akkadogram" to be read aslumx. If this assumption is correct, Akk. alu does not exist and does not form part of the present root ("Once UDU A.LUM is reclassified as aslu, then the lemma alu ... simply disappears" [Steinkeller 66]). // As for the forms a-lu, e-lu appearing as "true" Akkadian words (not logograms) in MA sources, they were expained as resulting from "scribal misunderstanding" in [CAD] which does not look very probable. More likely seems their explanation in [Steinkeller 66] ("the alleged occurrences of *alu in Middle Assyrian sources ... almost certainly involve ayalu/yalu 'stag'"), though, admittedly, no such writings for the relatively common Akk. term for 'stag' are attested.
Ugaritic:ʔal, ʔil 'carnero (de calidad superior)' [DLU 23, 25]. // The term occurs only as ʔal-m/ʔil-m, according to DLU a dual and a plural form respectively (šḳl t_rm wmrʔi ʔilm 'they felled bulls and fattened rams' 1.22 I 13 vs. ...ydbr t_rmt ʔalm '...he says: "my food is two rams"' 1.82:8, v. [Del Olmo Religión 252f.] for the interpretation). Such a morphologically unusual picture appears unlikely (what is expected is quite a reverse, a pl. ʔal-m [ʔālūma] < *ʔayalūma vs. a du. ʔil-m [ʔelāmi] < *ʔaylāmi) and one tends to consider both forms as plural, with an optional syncope of the a-infix (so [Tropper UG 295]). Further information on the term v. in [Del Olmo Sheep 184].
Canaanite:Eg.-Syll. ʔi2=-r=ya, ʔi3=ra=ya /ʔêlya ?, ʔayla ?/ [Hoch 29]. // Hoch provides arguments for distinguishing this term from the word for 'stag' (cf. No. ....). See also [ibid. 17, 28] for other Eg.-Syll. renderings regarded by some authors as reflecting the present root.
Hebrew:ʔayil 'ram' [KB 40], pB. [Ja. 48]. // According to [KB], also 'ruler, mighty'. If this identification is correct, cf. also Pho. ʔl 'chief' [T 19] (but cf. already [BDB 17- 18] where Hbr. ʔayil 'ram' and ʔayil 'ruler' are treated as different lexemes).
Judaic Aramaic:ʔēlā 'ram' [Ja. 48], ʔaylā [Levy WTM I 64] (a Hebraism?).
Epigraphic South Arabian:Min. ʔyl 'bélier, bouquetin' [LM 9]. // In MAFRAY-Darb aṣ-Ṣabī 1/14 (b-tys1 w-ʔyl w-mḥrm nfs1). Most probably belongs to this root rather to*ʔayyal- 'stag' for which v. No. ... (discussion).
Tigrai (Tigriñña):ʔilä 'kind of ram' [TA 544].
Jibbali:@ ayyól 'Steinbock' [Bittner 29] (not in [JJ]) Otherwise from *ʔayyal- 'deer'
Notes:Derivation of the present root (or some of its representations) from the verbal root ʔwl 'to be first, foremost' (as proposed, e.g., in [Hoch 30] and [Firmage 1157]) is hardly tenable. // [DRS 17]: *ʔayl- 'bélier' (Akk., Ugr., Pho., Hbr.); [DLU 23]: Ugr., Akk.; [KB 40]: Hbr., Eg.-Syll., Ugr., Akk.; [Hoch 29]: Eg.-Syll., Hbr., Akk., Ugr., Jud., Syr. (ʔaylā, which, however, means 'stag', not 'ram' and does not belong to the present root).
Eblaitic:wa-ʔa5(NI)-lum = Sum. IGI.DÀRA [MEE IV 1452']. Identified with the present root in [Bonechi-Conti 10]. One wonders why a reading wa-ì-lum (exactly corresponding to the PS reconstruction) was not preferred (for NI = /ʕi/ see [Conti Ebla 56]).
Ugaritic:yʕl 'cabra montés' [DLU 516]. In 1.6 I 26 ([tṭbḫ š]bʕm yʕlm 'she slaughtered seventy moun- tain goats'), 1.17 VI 22 (ʔadr gdm brʔumm // ʔadr ḳrnt byʕlm // mtnm bʕḳbt t_r 'the strongest sinews from the wild bulls // the strongest horns from the mountain goats // tendons from the heels of a bull') and 1.169.4 (kyʕlm t_̣rh 'like the wild goats to the mountains').
Hebrew:yāʕēl 'ibex, mountain goat' [KB 420], *yaʕălā (or *yǝʕēlā) 'female mountain goat' [ibid.] (only the st. constr. yaʕălat is attested); pB. yāʕēl 'mountain goat, wild goat', yǝʕēlā (or yaʕălā) 'gazelle' [Ja. 584]. Rare poetic term: Ps 104.18 (hārīm haggǝbōhīm layyǝʕēlīm // sǝlāʕīm maḥsǟ lašpannīm 'high mountains - for the mountain goats // rocks - refuge for the hyraxes') and Job 39.1 (hăyādaʕtā ʕēt lädät yaʕălē sālaʕ // ḥōlēl ʔayyālōt tišmōr 'do you know the time the mountain goats give birth // do you watch the labour pains of the hinds?'); ṣūrē hayyǝʕēlīm in 1S 24.3 is regarded as a toponym (presumably, 'rocks of the mountain goats'). The fem. formation is known from Pr 5.19 (ʔayyälät ʔa- hăbīm wǝyaʕălat ḥēn 'a hind of love, a mountain goat of plea- sure').
Arabic:waʕl-,waʕil-,wuʕil- 'argali, bouc de montagnes; bouc domestique', waʕlat- 'femelle de l'argali ou du chamois' [BK 2 1569], [Fr. IV 484], [Lane 3056], [LA XI 731] (cf. [Hommel 280- 1]).
Epigraphic South Arabian:Sab. wʕl 'mountain goat, ibex' [SD 155]. Qat. wʕl 'ibex, mountain goat' [Ricks 52]. Hdr. ʔ-wʕl (pl.) 'ibex' [Pirenne 93]. All ESA textual attestations are treated in detail in [Sima 159ff.] (remarkably, wʕl seems to be the only wild animal whose votive statuettes are mentioned in the inscriptions).
Geʕez (Ethiopian):wǝʕǝlā,waʕālā,wāʔǝlā 'kind of antelope, mountain goat' [LGz. 603].
Tigrai (Tigriñña):wǝʕǝla 'elk/élan' [DRS 578] (not in [Bass.]).
Amharic:waliya 'Walia ibex' [K 1489], wala id. [ibid. 1478]. These Amh. forms are not quoted in [LGz. 603] where only wǝʔǝla is mentioned (likely borrowed from Geez).
Mehri:wɛ̄l (pl. wǝʕōl,wǝyʕōl) 'mountain goat (Hemitragus Jay- kari)' [JM 420].
