Akkadian:daššu (taššu) MA, SB on [CAD d 120], [AHw. 165]
Notes:Akk. daššu (taššu) 'buck (said of gazelles and goats)' MA, SB on [CAD d 120], [AHw. 165] is traditionally compared to the present root. Forms with d- are clearly predominant and attested as early as archaic Mari (v. references in ARMT 19, p. 164) while the t-form appears only once in a lexical list. While the shift -yš- > -šš- is conceivable (a curious parallelism with Akk. laššu ~ Arb. laysa 'there is not' was pointed out in [Brock. 822]), word-initial d- is quite unexpected. Sceptical attitude towards this comparison see in [Sima 143]. Further parallels with d- are sometimes proposed for this root: Hbr. dīšōn 'aurochs' [KB 221] (hapax in the dietary law Dt 14.5; Sam. dšn 'an animal' [Tal 179] is most probably a Hebraism) and Akk. ditānu (didānu) 'aurochs' SB [CAD d 164], [AHw. 173]. This comparison looked very doubtful because of the word-middle -t- (-d-) and the meaning difference, but recently discovered Akk. evidence makes it more attractive. As pointed out in a special study [Durand 1988], the term UDU.HÁ ti-ša-né (with t-,-š- and meaning 'a (wild) ram' and not 'a (wild) bull'!) appears in lists of exotic animals from Mari. As pointed out by Durand, a phonetically similar form ti-ša-nu-uš has long been identified in the Hittite column of the trilingual lexical list MSL 3 64.11' (= Akk. ku-sa-ri-iḫ-ḫu, Sum. ALIM), likely representing a borrowing from some Semitic language. According to Durand, here may also belong the form ti-ša-nim in the OB sa- piential text BWL 227 10 (without translation in [AHw. 1362]). Durand does not hesitate to put together dīšōn, ditānu and tišānu without explaining convincingly either the phonetic shifts or the semantic difference. Further evidence for the reflexation of *tayš- in Akkadian comes from MA and NA where the forms tušēnu and tešēnu are attested ('eine Art Büffel ?' accroding to [AHw. 1352]). CF. A SPECIAL STUDY LION NABU 1991/60 Finally, it was suggested in [Conti-Bonechi] that Ebl. ti-sa-na (with variants) might be indentified with tišānu in spite of the fact that the Ebl. term denote a kind of jewel (the authors give further examples of zoomorphic jewels in Ebla). Conti and Bonechi explicitly relate the Ebla and Mari terms to *tayš- 'buck' (*tayš-ān-um > tīš-ān-um).
Akkadian:gammalu (gamlu) 'camel' NA [CAD g 35], [AHw. 279]. // Found mostly in royal inscriptions (in particular, among the tribute brought by Arabian kings). Almost certainly a WS loan.
Hebrew:gāmāl 'camel' [KB 197], pB. [Ja. 253]. // It is probably not accidental that this otherwise common word is extremely rare in poetry.
Arabic:ǯaml- 'chameau' [BK 1 330], ǯamal- id. [ibid.], ǯāmil- 'chameaux, troupeau de chameaux' [ibid.], ǯamālat- 'troupeau de chameaux; cheveaux' [ibid.]. [LA XI 123ff.], [Lane 460] (the monosyllabic form is said to be rare). Cf. further [Hommel 144ff.]
Epigraphic South Arabian: Sab. gml 'camel' [SD 49]. // Among other household animals (e.g., gmlm wbḳrm wṣ̂ʔnm 'camels, large and small cattle' J 649/40). That g. denoted 'perhaps specifically transport camels' (as suggested in [Biella 72]) is probably derived from rkbm wgmlm in J 567/3 ('riding [camels] and transport camels'?). Cf. further [Sima 92-4] where it is rightly stressed that textual attestations of g. are relatively late and and small in number.
Geʕez (Ethiopian):gamal 'camel' [LGz. 194]
Tigre:gämäl 'camel (from six years onwards)' [LH 567]
Notes: The term is conventionally reconstructed as PS since comparable forms are attested in most branches and, except for Akkadian, no clear evidence in favour of a foreign origin is at hand. However, infiltration of a term originating from an Arabian (Arabic?) source into the neighbouring languages looks quite likely (cf. [Sima 92] where late attestation in all the textual traditions is rightly stressed). // Mhr. gǝmmōl 'camel man' [JM 121] is clearly an Arabism. // Some of the Sem. terms listed above must be the source of Gr. kámēlos [Frisk 771] and Lat. camēlus [EM 89] (in both cases k- instead of g- needs an explanation); cf. further [Masson 66-7]. // [DRS 139]: *gamal- 'chameau' (Akk., Hbr., Arm., Arb., Sab., Jib., Soq., Eth.); [KB 197]: Hbr., Arm., Arb., Gez., Tgr., Akk.; [LGz. 194]: Gez., Eth., Arb., Soq., Hbr., Arm., Akk.; [LS 111]: Soq., Jib., Mhr. (gǝmmōl), Arb., Eth., Arm., Hbr.; [Firmage 1153]: Akk., Hbr., Arm., Gez., Arb.
Akkadian:arru 'bird used for decoy' MB on (CAD A2 305, AHw. 71) // For details connected with the use of a. as well as bird species used for this purpose v. [Salonen Vögel 29-31].
Syrian Aramaic:warwārā 'merops' (Brock. 186, PS 1068; an Arabism?)
Arabic:warwār- 'guépier (oiseau)' (BK 2 1526, Fr. IV 459)
Tigrai (Tigriñña):ʔirir, ʔǝrir 'bird which has an instinct to lead a honey gatherer to where there is honey' (K Tna 1439-40)
Notes:Arm. forms like Syr. ʔarrā 'avis illicebra' [Brock. 45] are certainly Akkadisms (cf. [Kaufman 36]). // Meaning similarity between the terms is so specific that it is tempting to posit it also for PS, though a possibility of chance coincidence cannot of course be excluded. Cf. Tna. wari 'kind of blackbird whose feathers have a metallic sheen' (K Tna 1723) and Amh. wari 'a kind of blackbird' (K 1500).
