Comments:Secondarily, '(morally) crooked, perverse, wrong', etc. However, Michelena (1961: 271–272) suggested that makur is a ma- derivative of the verb gur-tu ‘kneel, bow’, though without explaining the difference in voicing. Alternatively, this could be a formation related to Bsq *oker̄ 'bent', etc. (q.v. = PNC *=ŏḳŭr), with the prefix *ma=.
Proto-Basque:*malgor̄
Meaning:numb (from cold)
Low Navarrese:malgor
Zuberoan:málgor
Comments:Cf. PEC *marχ_alV 'snow', with metathesis *margol > *malgor. For reordering of liquids cf. Span. milagro, palabra < miraculu, parabola, etc. Larrasquet has precisely "engourdi par le froid" (for the ZBR word); Aulestia & White have quite a different gloss: "swollen". A homonym - or dialectal variant not cited by Azkue?
Comments:Here, as in some other cases, Bsq preserves the internal *-l- reconstructed for PEC from circumstantial evidence, though /l/ as such is not attested in any modern EC language. (Cf. Bsq *hols or *holc 'plank' ~ PEC *ħwǟls_ǝ̆). Bsq malk(h)ar 'terreno muy costanero é infructífero, escabroso' (Azkue) is semantically incompatible with *malka-r̄ 'straw' and is a homonym.
Meaning:1 flesh (soft and tender part of bread, fruit, meat, fish) 2 pith, starchy part (of plants) 3 intimate (friend)
Bizkaian:mamin 1, 3
Gipuzkoan:mami 1, 3
High Navarrese:mami 1, 2
Low Navarrese:mami 1, mamul 1
Salazarese:mamola 1
Lapurdian:mami 1, (Ainhoa) mamul 1
Baztanese:mami 3
Zuberoan:mami 1
Roncalese:mami 1, mamul 1
Comments:The supposed derivation from French m'ami 'my friend' (Trask 1997) is fanciful and anachronistic, though it may have influenced meaning 3. In our analysis this is a very old expressive word, found in many languages (Lat. mamma, etc.).
Comments:This is etymologically distinct from other Bsq words for 'strawberry' (see *maguli / *malugi). There has however clearly been some blending of reflexes of *maguli / *malugi with those of *mar̄uhi / *mahur̄i. Latin marrubiu 'horehound' (Trask 1997: 309: quite a different plant) is probably a chance resemblance. Words for 'mulberry, blackberry' seem to contain *mar̄- (= PEC *(H)mer(ʔ)V) + a mysterious morph *-SuS(t)a - related to *śaśi 'thorn, bramble'?
High Navarrese:matxarde 5, matxite 6, (Lezaka) matxarde 2
Low Navarrese:martxite 1, matxarde 2, 4, 5
Lapurdian:matxarde 3, 5
Baztanese:matxarde 2
Zuberoan:matxárde 2, matxite 6
Roncalese:(Uztárroz) matxar 2, matxarde 5
Comments:Bsq > Span. machete. The latter, or the Bsq words above, are not plausibly related to Sp. macho 'sledge hammer, anvil' (< Lat. marculus 'small hammer'), since there is no semantic similarity of 'fork, hook, tong' with 'hammer'. PNC *mirć(w)Ē, with the meaning 'sickle' in Tsezian and Circassian, is semantically compatible, especially, with Bsq martxite 'pruning hook'. For the element *-arde cf. Bsq *śaɦarde 'fork', etc.
Comments:Probably *mer̄da-r̄ > *medar̄ (cf. PEC *ɦmV̄ƛ̣_V̆ 'thin'), altered in most dialects to me(h)ar, by analogy with *menhe 'thin' (q.v.). Trask (1997) regards mehar as a "transparent" derivative of mehe, but that does not explain the clear medial /d/ in GIP and ANV.
Comments:The assocation between *mehe and *medar̄ (q.v.) is secondary, in this analysis.
Proto-Basque:*mendi
Meaning:mountain
Bizkaian:mendi
Gipuzkoan:mendi
High Navarrese:mendi
Low Navarrese:mendi
Lapurdian:mendi
Zuberoan:mendi
Roncalese:mendi
Comments:Cf. Bur *bun[d]- 'mountain pasture, mountain grove, boulder; wild, mountain-' (compared by H. Berger [1959] with Bsq. mendi). Cf. Khinalug mɨda 'mountain' (isolated in NC), Georgian mta id. (isolated in Kart.).
Comments:This word has traditionally been compared with Spanish miga ‘crumb’ < Lat. mīca; but if so, why Bsq -o? Cf. instead PNC *miḳwV 'small, young one'.
Comments:Trask (1995, 1999) reiterates Michelena's reconstruction *bini 'tongue', though Jacobsen (1995) suggests instead *mini. However we think *bini or *mini (without *h) cannot account for the attested BNV forms such as [mixja] 'the tongue' with strong fricative (Moutard 1975). See the note to *bihi. The original sibilant remains in BZK GIP mizto (*mis-to) 'sting (of bees or snakes)', lit. 'little tongue' (see Michelena 1961: 186), and *minco (assim. < *milso) 'word, speech'.
Proto-Basque:*moc
Meaning:short
Bizkaian:motz
Gipuzkoan:motz, motx
High Navarrese:motz
Low Navarrese:motz
Salazarese:motz
Lapurdian:motz
Baztanese:motz
Aezkoan:motz
Zuberoan:mutz
Roncalese:motz
Comments:This word is generally believed to be from Romance (cf. Span. mocho 'cut off', Ital. mozzo, etc.), ult. < an unrecorded Latin *mutium (REW 5792).
Meaning:1 cunnus, female sex organs 2 male sex organs 3 old maid, unmarried woman
Bizkaian:motz 1, motzak 2, mutxurdin 3
Gipuzkoan:motz 1, motzak 2, mutxurdin 3
High Navarrese:motz 1, motzak 2, mutxurdin 3
Low Navarrese:motz 1, motzak 2, mutxurdin 3
Salazarese:motz 1, motzak 2, mutxurdin 3
Lapurdian:motz 1, motzak 2, mutxurdin 3
Baztanese:motz 1, motzak 2, mutxurdin 3
Aezkoan:motz 1, motzak 2, mutxurdin 3
Zuberoan:motz 1, motzak 2, mutxurdin 3
Roncalese:motz 1, motzak 2, mutxurdin 3
Comments:The form mutx-urdin probably reflects vowel assimilation (o > u) and expressive palatalization (tz > tx). Since lexicographers have avoided these words, due to their obscene nature, it is difficult to find detailed information about dialectal variants, etc. If the Bsq-NC comparison is valid, the original meaning was ‘pubic hair’ (cf. Burushaski *=múś-ki) > related meanings.
Comments:The r ~ l variation (in preconsonantal position) is very unusual in Basque, and may be explained as follows: PSC *mä̆r[ƛ]-ḳV, with the resulting cluster resolving either as *mor-ko or *mol-ko in Bsq.