Примечания:ССЕ 192. Werner 2, 414 <*(d')ʌʔǝgǝ> - with an obviously erroneous *d'- (would be *j- in our reconstruction) - because Kott. d́oga 'nit' is attributed to two roots at once (see *jog-), notwithstanding the clear distinction between iki 'louse' and d́oga 'nit'.
Примечания:In ССЕ 194 I have reconstructed *ʔit- 'nomadize' on the basis of Ket. itaŋ and Kott. aithox, and Werner 1, 383 accepts this reconstruction. However, he also adduces Yug. íčaŋ id. which makes such a reconstruction impossible and forces me to change it to *ʔic- (see the correspondences in КС 150-151).
Кетский:ī 'skin', pl. iʔŋ; iŋɔĺt5 / iŋɔĺtǝ5, pl. iŋɔĺtǝŋ5 id.
Югский:ijɔl5 / igɔl5, pl. iŋgɔlɨŋ5 "skin"
Коттский:ēk, pl. ēkán, ēkŋ "hair"
Примечания:ССЕ 193. Cf. also Ket. -iɣ-aq "to flay". The paradigm of igɔl in Yug is interesting: it shows that here we have a compound of *ʔik with some second component, each member gaving its own plural: igɔl - iŋ-gɔlɨŋ. The original meaning of the component -gɔl can only be guessed: cf. perhaps PEC *G_ŏŁV "skin" (NCED 463)? Werner 1, 392 <*igǝ>, doubting (for a not quite clear reason) the relationship of Kottish ēk 'hair'.
Праенисейский:*ʔiK-
Значение:to bind, tie
Кетский:ikśiŋ
Югский:íksiŋ (W. 1, 356)
Коттский:šigaŋ, šiŋaŋ 'to bind'
Примечания:ССЕ 193. The root structure is not quite clear: Ket has a separate stem śiŋ (śɨʔŋ) 'to bind', so ikśiŋ is probably a compound. The Kottish form šiŋ-aŋ is a good match for Ket. śiŋ, while šigaŋ may be an irregular development of a form *ig-šiŋaŋ ( = Ket. ikśiŋ). Werner 1, 356.
Примечания:ССЕ 193. A compound with PY *tap- 'circle, hoop' q.v. in the second part. Werner's (1, 361) analysis of *ʔiL- as 'small' is not based on any evidence.
Примечания:ССЕ 194. Werner 1, 360 <*iʎ-> (without comparing the Kott. form). Note that this example allows to update the rule formulated in КС 148: *r yields Yug -r- not only in the vicinity of *u, but also in the vicinity of *i.
