Примечания:ССЕ 180. The relationship with Ket. (Кастр.) haksemogdi, Yug. faksemogdi 'temple' is not quite clear: it is possible that the original *ʔaKsV- was reinterpreted in Ket under the influence of *pak-si-m 'thin' (q.v.), with a folk etymology as 'thin ear'. See the analysis in Werner 1, 83 - who treats this folk etymology seriously (adding also Ket. hakśut, Yug. faksimǝt 'temple', lit. 'thin bone), while analyzing the Kottish form as 'prickly hair' (from axčex 'to prick') - which is both semantically and phonetically unsound (in 'to prick' we have -č-, not -š-!).
Примечания:ССЕ 185. In ССЕ and in Werner 1, 50 the root is confused with *ʔāq-, but Werner's more detailed data force us to distinguish between these two roots - for obvious reasons grown very close together in Kottish.
Примечания:ССЕ 181. Werner 1, 31. Cf. also Ket. (Werner 1, 32) álɨs-pet, álɨs-bet 'j-m Gewalt antun, vergewaltigen'.
Праенисейский:*ʔalg- (~x-, -r-)
Значение:a k. of duck
Кетский:aĺgǝ5, pl. aĺgeń5 'black duck'
Коттский:agaŋa, *akāŋa, pl. agaŋan "Märzente (Anas Boschas)"
Примечания:ССЕ 180. Werner 1, 31 doubts the attribution of the Kottish word, although phonetically a cluster simplification is normal in Kottish. The Kottish word also resembles somewhat Mong. aqauna 'loon, diver', Turkic *Akańa 'a k. of gull or partridge' and may in fact be a merger of an Altaic loanword with the original root. One should also mention (see Bouda 1957) Selk. alg 'a k. of duck' - which may well be a Yenisseian loanword.
Примечания:ССЕ 181. Werner 1, 30; etymology as plural < al' 'half', as well as various hypotheses of Turkic or Uralic origin quoted ibid., are highly dubious.
