Примечания:ССЕ 275. See *ʔiK-. Werner 2, 222 *sɨʔŋ.
Праенисейский:*s[ɨ]Ga
Значение:year
Кетский:śɨ̄
Югский:sɨ̄
Коттский:šēga
Аринский:šhej
Пумпокольский:ciku
Примечания:ССЕ 275. Probably an old derivate of *sin 'old' (*s[ɨ]Ga < *sin-Ga); an analogous suffix *-G cf. in names of time intervals: *si-G 'night', *xiʔ-G 'day' (cf. also Ket qɔ́-ne 'time'). Cf. also *sǝ- in Ket śʌ́-ɣat (Werner 2, 221), Yug sъgat1 'last year'. Werner 2, 223 <*sǝ́gǝ>.
Праенисейский:*soʔg-
Значение:noise
Кетский:sɔɣej-bɛta (South.) 'ein Lärm (Geräusch) ist zu hören' (Werner 2, 168)
Югский:sɔgaj5 "noise, to make noise" (Werner 2, 168 sɔ́gej)
Примечания:Werner 2, 168 (without reconstruction); correctly separated from PY *saga- 'say, speak' in Werner 2, 165.
Праенисейский:*soʔol
Значение:sleigh
Кетский:śu:ĺ3, pl. śɔĺǝŋ5 / śɔ:ĺǝŋ3
Югский:so:l3 / soul3, pl. soulɨŋ3 / sɔlɨŋ5
Коттский:fun-čol, phun-čol, pl. fun-čálaŋ "small sleigh"
Аринский:šal (М., Сл., Кл.)
Пумпокольский:cel (Сл.)
Примечания:ССЕ 275. In Kottish the compound is analyzed as "daughter-sleigh". This is however rather a folk etymology: cf. the common Yenisseian compound *puʔuń-soʔol, lit. "sliding sleigh". Ket (Доннер) buonč́ōl "sleigh" must be a misrecording for *puončōl (*f-), thus the comparison (see Helimsky КС 240) with Nen. wand́e, wandad, wandako (names of various kinds of sleighs) is probably incorrect. Werner 2, 218 <*sogǝl / *čogǝʎ> and 2, 175 <*t'ogǝʎ / *čogǝʎ> (??): he also adds Kott., Ass. čogar / čegar 'sleigh' - obvious Turkic loanwords that are to be separated from the above root.
Праенисейский:*soʔom (~-G-,-χ-)
Значение:arrow (with a dull point), "tomar"
Кетский:sɔ:m, pl. sɔmǝŋ5
Югский:sɔ:hm, pl. sɔmɨŋ5
Примечания:ССЕ 276. Werner 2, 170 <*sokǝm > *sogǝm>.
Примечания:ССЕ 276. Werner 2, 221, 442 <*sʌj / *sʌn>, with a lot of confusion. Kott šueŋa "blue" is identified with Kott. šujaŋa (Bol) "grey", although the latter is certainly a form of the word recorded by Castren as šui "yellow" and as such is to be compared with Pump. tul-si "yellow" and Ket sulemam "yellow" (М., Сл.). In PY we can safely distinguish between *son- (perhaps *sǝn-) 'blue, green', *suŕ 'yellow, grey' and *sur "red, blood", while lumping them together under a pseudoprotoform *sʌj / *sʌn hardly brings us anywhere.
Праенисейский:*soq-
Значение:to enter
Кетский:d-qa-soq 'I shall enter' (lit. 'I shall enter inside')
Коттский:šūka; Ass. šúxa (М., Сл., Кл.), šuga (Кл.)
Аринский:ogoš (?) (metathesis < *ošog?)
Пумпокольский:tuk
Примечания:ССЕ 276-277. Arin. ogoš is related by Werner (2, 43) to *ʔoŋ- q.v., which is not exluded. The relationship between *suga and *uska is complicated. Werner (2, 216 <*suk / *tuk>) plainly rejects it. But in Yenisseian there are similar cases of prefixed *ʔV-: cf. *saq- / *ʔasq- 'guilt'; Kott. i-čičan 'root' < *čīǯ-, u-šōx 'ice' < *čǝG-; more frequently there occurs a prefixed al- (al-šip 'dog' < *čip, al-tūma 'bird' < *duma, al-aga 'star' < *qɔ̄qa, al-thai 'whitefish' < *taŕ, al-thītega 'ant' < *tɨt-, al-thax "duck" < *tɔ̄q etc.). The nature of this prefixation is so far unclear (possibly archaic class prefixes), but it seems plausible to derive Ket uśka < *ʔV-suga. Another possible explanation of uśka could be a contamination with PY *ʔus- "away, asunder" q.v. (direct deduction of *ʔuska from this *ʔus- seems hardly possible for semantic reasons).
Коттский:šui, pl. šun "Moschka"; (Бол.) šun "midge"
Аринский:šun (Лоск.) "gad-fly", sün "midge"
Примечания:ССЕ 277. Cf. also Ar. (М., Ист. Сиб.) sussaj 'hornet', (Лоск.) šušenkuša 'wesp'. The Arin form šun / sün undoubtedly corresponds to the Kott. plural form. Werner 2, 219 *suj, pl. *sun.
Примечания:ССЕ 277. Werner 2, 209-210 *su(j)eŋ-oksǝ "...iger Baum". Just as dʌĺ- in dʌĺ-okś has the meaning "willow" (see *dǝĺi), śujiŋ- in śujiŋ-okś has the meaning "alder", and the similarity to Ket śuj- 'clothing', despite Werner ibid., seems only accidental.
