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North Caucasian etymology :

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Proto-North Caucasian: "z" | Query method: Match substring
Total of 12 records
\data\cauc\caucet
Proto-North Caucasian: *=ämźŬ
Meaning: to plough, to sow
Proto-Tsezian: *=ĩž- (~-ž:-)
Proto-Lak: zu-
Proto-Dargwa: *=acVn (?)
Proto-Lezghian: *ʔäc:a
Proto-West Caucasian: *zʷa
Notes: A common NC cultural term. The Darg. form is irregular (has a voiceless -c-) and may not belong here (it can reflect a contamination with PEC *-ōcV 'to mow' q.v.); all other correspondences are regular, and the etymology seems quite reliable.
Proto-North Caucasian: *źăwrV
Sino-Caucasian etymology: Sino-Caucasian etymology
Meaning: ice
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *zari
Proto-Tsezian: *ž:ara
Proto-Lak: zuru-q:aIni
Proto-Lezghian: *c:or
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Labialised vowel in Lezg. and Lak. makes us reconstruct a cluster with *-w- in Inlaut.
Proto-North Caucasian: *GwēźV
Meaning: long hair, mane
Proto-Nakh: *qēs
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *ʁʷisV
Proto-Dargwa: *ʁeʒ
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. Correspondences are regular.

    Cf. also Osset. qīs / ɣesä 'thick hair' < Iran. *gaisa- (see Abayev 1973, 304-305). If not for the labialisation (reflected in PA), it would be tempting to consider the listed Caucasian forms as an old loan from Iranian.

Proto-North Caucasian: *ḳănz
Meaning: shawl, kerchief
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *ḳanzi
Proto-West Caucasian: *ḳasǝ
Notes: An interesting Aand-WC isogloss. Borrowing is not excluded (although correspondences are regular, and PNC origin is rather probable).
Proto-North Caucasian: WC *Pǝ̃zV
Meaning: light, candle
Proto-West Caucasian: *Pǝ̃zV
Notes: Reconstructed for the PWC level.
Proto-North Caucasian: *ʒwVmḳV ( ~ z-)
Meaning: a k. of stone or stone device
Proto-Tsezian: *z:uḳV B
Proto-Lak: zunḳlu
Notes: A Tsez-Lak. isogloss (phonetically and semantically rather probable - taking into account the fact that different mill parts are usually made of stone).
Proto-North Caucasian: *ɦwālźV
Meaning: axe
Proto-Nakh: *bʡastV ( ~ -ā-,-ṭ-)
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *ʔanži, *ʔanži-TV
Proto-Tsezian: *ʔũž(:)
Notes: Reconstructed for the PEC level. The Khvarshi form is not quite regular (we would rather expect -š), thus it may be an old loanword; but at least the Nakh-Andian parallel seems reliable.
Proto-North Caucasian: *burVźV
Meaning: a k. of foliage tree
Proto-Nakh: *bursa ( ~ -o)
Proto-Dargwa: *p:iric: (~b-)
Proto-Lezghian: *p:oroc: ( ~ u)
Notes: The root is obviously borrowed from an Iranian source (cf. Shugn. bǝruǯ, Osset. bärz / bärzä 'birch-tree' etc.); but since the reflexes correspond to each other well phonetically, are present in distant EC subgroups and have substantially modified the original semantics, the borrowing should be probably dated by a very early (common EC) period.
Proto-North Caucasian: *s / *z
Meaning: impersonal marker (?), marker of the object version
Proto-Lezghian: *s-
Proto-West Caucasian: *-zǝ-
Proto-North Caucasian: *zō
Sino-Caucasian etymology: Sino-Caucasian etymology
Meaning: I
Proto-Nakh: *sō
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *di-n
Proto-Tsezian: *dǝ
Proto-Lak: t:u-
Proto-Dargwa: *du
Proto-Lezghian: *zo-n
Proto-Khinalug: zɨ
Proto-West Caucasian: *sA
Notes:

    Cf. also the HU evidence: HU *(j)es- (nom./erg. > Hurr. iš-te nom.,
iža-š erg., Ur. ješǝ), *so- (obl. > Hurr. žo-/žu-, Ur. šo-).

    The PNC 1-st p. pronoun needs some comments. Like other personal
pronouns, it is characterized by unique phonetic features (voiced fricative in
PNC, the development *z > *d in Av.-And.-Tsez., Darg. and Lak. /where *d >
t:/). However, forms with *d- certainly can not be kept apart from forms with
*z, since morphologically they match each other very well.

    The direct stem may be safely reconstructed as *zō,
sporadically with a pronominal suffix *-n - *zōn (cf. PA
*di-n, PL *zo-n; on Lak. nu and Darg. nu see *nV). A possible
trace of *-n is also the -ǝ vowel in PC: it probably reflects
*-ǝ̃ < *-ō-n with loss of nasalization (without it *-ɨ would be
expected in PC). The vowel -u- in Av. (du-n) and Darg. (du)
should best be explained by the influence of the 2-d p. pro-
noun q.v.

    The evidence of PN, PHU, PL and Khin. allows to recons-
truct three different oblique stems for the 1-st p. pronoun.
The one is *zā- /PL *za- = PN *sa-(*sā-)/, the other - *ʔez(V)
/PL *-ez = PHU *(j)es- = PN *ʔas = Khin. as/; finally, the
third is *ʔiz(V) /PL gen. *-iz = Khin. i/e/. It is most pro-
bable that the third stem is reflected in Darg. *di-, PC *di-,
PA *di- (where it lost the initial vowel and became the gene-
ral oblique stem). In Lak. and HU, where the obl. stem is t:u-
and *so- respectively, it is probably due to a merger of PEC
dir. *zō- and obl. *zā-.

    We may present the following solution for this very complicated
picture. The original ergative was *ʔez(V), preserved in PN as *ʔas; in
PHU it became also nominative (merging of erg./nom. in pronouns is rather usual
in ergative languages). In PL and Khin. this stem shifted to dative - which is
parallel to the general shift of the PEC ergative case in *-s_V > PL dative
*-s: (note, however, that in Khin. the erg. form probably still reflects
the same stem *ʔez(V)). The obl. stem *zā- then took upon itself
ergative functions in PL. Finally, the original genitive stem *ʔiz(V) was
preserved as such in PL, Khin and (with vowel loss) in PD, PA and PC; in all
other languages it was superseded by the general oblique stem *zā-
(sometimes even by the dir. stem *zō-).

    To sum up: PEC (PNC) dir. stem *zō(-n); erg. stem *ʔez(V); gen.
stem *ʔiz(V); general oblique stem *zā-.

    See Trubetzkoy 1930, 273; Abdokov 1983, 137.



Proto-North Caucasian: *źwĕ
Meaning: you (2d p. plur. pron.)
Proto-Nakh: *šu
Proto-Avaro-Andian: *b-iš:- / *ʔuš:-
Proto-Tsezian: *miž(:)ɔ A
Proto-Lak: zu
Proto-Dargwa: *nu-š:a
Proto-Lezghian: *ǯʷ[e]
Proto-Khinalug: zu-r
Proto-West Caucasian: *sʷV
Notes: The PEC paradigm can be reconstructed as *źwĕ (dir.), *ʔeźw- (erg., cf. PN *ʔašV, and PL *-eǯʷ /shifted to dative, the same as with other pronouns/), *ʔiźw- (gen., cf. PL *-iǯʷ), *źwă- (obl., cf. PL *ǯʷa-). PWC *sʷV (as seen from the non-palatalised *sʷ) reflects rather one of the non-direct stems. As with other plural pronouns, Avaro-Ando-Tsezian languages also reflect a non-direct stem (gen. *ʔiźw- or dat. *ʔeźw-) with the class prefixes *w- or *u_- (in Akhv. uš-di). The initial nasal in Avar, PTs (and also PD) may reflect the original EC pronominal stem *nɨ̆ (q.v.) (which could have possibly denoted collective plural); labial m- in some Avar dialects (cf. Chad. muž) and PTs *miž(:)e is probably due to the influence of the 2d person singular pronoun (Av. mun, PTs *mǝ).

    See Trubetzkoy 1930, 273; Abdokov 1983, 137-138.

Proto-North Caucasian: *źwV
Meaning: a pronominal (demonstr.) stem; thing
Proto-Avaro-Andian: žo
Proto-Tsezian: *žV (~*ž:-)
Proto-Lak: za
Notes: A not quite clear case. The Av. and Lak. forms probably belong together; it is less clear with the PTs pronominal stem *žV-. Still, the etymology seems possible, because abstract words denoting 'thing' in EC languages are quite frequently derived from pronouns (mostly, however, interrogative: cf. cases like Tsez. šebin, Inkh. himon 'thing' etc.). It seems worth noting also an obscure element in some East Daghestanian pronominal stems: Lezg. wu-č, Tsakh. hi-ǯo 'what'; Khin. 'that' (inanim.'; Darg. -š in i-š 'this' - possibly reflecting (with some distortions) the same pronominal stem.
caucet-lak,caucet-abad,caucet-aand,caucet-lak,caucet-comment,caucet-aand,caucet-abad,caucet-cez,caucet-lak,caucet-comment,caucet-comment,caucet-abad,caucet-lezg,caucet-khin,caucet-comment,caucet-lak,caucet-khin,caucet-comment,caucet-lak,caucet-comment,
Total of 12 records

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