Munro et al. 1992: 188. Polysemy: 'woman (one who has borne a child) / female (of any species)'. Plural form: θiɲa=č=ʔaːk. Distinct from ma=sa=hay 'young woman / woman of any age who has not had children' [Munro et al. 1992: 133]. According to [Munro et al. 1992: 188], "[s]ome speakers say a thinya'aak is a woman who has lost a child".
Cocopa:s=ʔak1
Crawford 1989: 260. Glossed as 'woman, female who has given birth to a child'. Word class: noun. Plural form: s=ʔaːk. For the morphological segmentation cf. the derived verb s=iː=ʔˈak 'be or become a woman' [Crawford 1989: 245].
Yavapai:βqˈí ~ pqˈí #2
Shaterian 1983: 435, 637. Polysemy: 'woman / female'. Plural form: βqˈúˑy-a ~ pqˈúˑy-a. Another candidate is msˈí 'woman' [Shaterian 1983: 447, 484, 637], related to msˈîy-a 'maiden' [Shaterian 1983: 484, 583]. In [Shaterian 1983: 435] βqˈí is marked as Northeastern Yavapai and Southeastern Yavapai. Could this mean that msˈí 'woman' is peculiar to Western (Tolkapaya) Yavapai?
Jamul Tiipay:ɲǝ=č=ʔˈak1
Miller 2001: 80, 115, 360. Plural from: ɲǝ=č=ʔˈaːk [Miller 2001: 115]. The word for 'woman' is ɲǝ=č=ʔˈak in the speech of the main informant (Mrs. Walker), but č=ʔak ~ č=ak in the speech of another informant, Mrs. Dumas [Miller 2001: 360].
Munro et al. 1992: 31. Polysemy: 'be yellow / be ripe'. Plural form: ʔa=qʷaːθ-č-.
Cocopa:qʷaʂ1
Crawford 1989: 233. Polysemy: 'be yellow / light-complexioned'. Word class: intransitive verb. Related to qʷaʂ 'pus' and (by sound-symbolic alternation) to qʷaš 'be brown' [Crawford 1989: 234].
Yavapai:(ʔ)=qʷˈaθ-i1
Shaterian 1983: 409, 639. Variant form: ʔ=qʷˈas-i (Tolkapaya dialect, informant Warren Gazzam). Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to (ʔ)=kʷˈaθ-i 'brown' [Shaterian 1983: 398, 539].
Jamul Tiipay:kʷas1
Miller 2001: 137. Glossed as 'to be yellow'. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to kʷaš 'to be brown' [Miller 2001: 137].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=kʷas1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 3. Glossed as 'is yellow'.
NUMBER:101
WORD:far
Mojave:ʔa=miːč-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 28. Polysemy: 'be far away, too far away / be too long, too much / do too much'.
Cocopa:kuɾ2
Crawford 1989: 64. Glossed as 'be distant in space or time'. Word class: impersonal intransitive verb. Variant: kuɾ ʔi (ʔi is an auxiliary verb) [Crawford 1989: 65]. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to kuʎ̥ 'be long', q.v.
Yavapai:twˈay-i ~ twˈaˑy-i3
Shaterian 1983: 361, 552. Glossed as 'distant'. Example: hlˈâh twˈayi wˈâkm 'the moon is far away' [Shaterian 1983: 109]. Cf. kˈúr-m 'very far' [Shaterian 1983: 388, 630].
Jamul Tiipay:kur2
Miller 2001: 17, 125. Glossed as 'to be far'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=kuɹ2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 3. Polysemy: 'is distant / far / long (time)'.
NUMBER:102
WORD:heavy
Mojave:i=neːh- ~ i=neːθ-1
Munro et al. 1992: 98. Glossed as 'be heavy'. Plural form: i=niːh-.
Cocopa:ɲix1
Crawford 1989: 175. Glossed as 'be heavy'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: ʔu=ɲˈix. Subject plural: ɲiːx.
Crawford 1989: 365. Glossed as 'be near, in the vicinity of'. Word class: transitive verb. 3rd person form: xɾ=u=pˈay [Crawford 1983: 591]. Subject and distributive plural: xɾ=paːy [Crawford 1989: 366].
Yavapai:i=pˈé #2
Shaterian 1983: 338, 459, 589. Another candidate is tyˈeˑ ~ tyˈeˑ-β-i 'near' [Shaterian 1983: 360, 589].
Jamul Tiipay:xǝʎ=pˈay2
Miller 2001: 59. Glossed as 'to be nearby'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:xǝlʸǝ=pay2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 21. Glossed as 'is near'.
NUMBER:104
WORD:salt
Mojave:ʔa=θ=ʔiː1
Munro et al. 1992: 33.
Cocopa:ʂ=ʔiɾ2
Crawford 1989: 290. Word class: noun. For morphological segmentation cf. the derived transitive verb ʂ=č=a=ʔˈiɾ 'salt, make salty' [Crawford 1989: 271]. Connected by rules of sound symbolism to ʂ=ʔiʎ̥ 'be sour or salty (as water, vinegar, lemon, grapefruit, salt, soured milk)' [Crawford 1989: 290].
Yavapai:ʔ=θˈiˑ1
Shaterian 1983: 441, 607.
Jamul Tiipay:saːl #-1
Miller 2001: 345. A Spanish loanword. It is not clear whether Jamul Tiipay has a native word for 'salt'. Cf. the verb sǝʔˈiʎ̥ 'to be salty' [Miller 2001: 20, 78].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=silʸ1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 5.
NUMBER:105
WORD:short
Mojave:wena=wen- #1
Munro et al. 1992: 203. Glossed as 'be short'. Other possible candidates include ta=ʔwen-k 'be short' (plural form: ta=t=ʔwaːn-) [Munro et al. 1992: 169] and ʔata=wen-k 'be short, low' (plural form: ʔata=t=waːn-) [Munro et al. 1992: 33]. All these words have the same root =wen-.
Cocopa:xʎ=ʔut2
Crawford 1989: 355. Glossed as 'be short'. Word class: intransitive verb. Distributive and subject plural xʎ=ʔuːt. For morphological segmentation cf. the derived transitive verb č=xʎ=a=ʔˈut 'shorten' [Crawford 1989: 38].
Yavapai:čkr=ˈot-i2
Shaterian 1983: 371, 394, 610.
Jamul Tiipay:lǝ=ʔˈuɲ1
Miller 2001: 20, 58. Glossed as 'to be short'. On p. 20, this word is glossed as 'to be short (said of a dress)', but the following example shows that the use of lǝ=ʔˈuɲ is not restricted to dress: 'His legs are very short (lǝ=ʔˈuɲ) and he can't reach the clutch pedal' [Miller 2001: 291].
Munro et al. 1992: 35. Polysemy: 'snake / rattlesnake'.
Cocopa:ʔa=wˈi #1
Crawford 1989: 392. Glossed as 'rattlesnake (Crotalus spp.)'. Word class: noun. There is no general word for 'snake' in [Crawford 1989]. Nevertheless, we tentatively choose ʔa=wˈi for two reasons. First, in some textual examples this word is translated simply as 'snake' [Crawford 1989: 252, 264, 331]. Second, ʔa=wˈi functions as a first part of compounds denoting various kinds of snakes: ʔawˌi=kʷˈaw 'a nonpoisonous snake. Probably Sonora lyre snake (Trimorphodon lambda)', ʔawˌi=ɲˈiːɾ 'unidentified black poisonous snake', ʔawˈi yačˈaːč 'a nonpoisonous reddish snake. Two to three feet long. Possibly a king snake' [Crawford 1989: 393].
Munro et al. 1992: 42. Glossed as 'be thin, skinny'. Plural form: ʔuːhʔaːr-č-. Other canditates include: ʔaraθaw-m 'be thin, see-through (of cloth or paper)' [Munro et al. 1992: 32], kala=kal-m 'be skinny, thin (of mesquite beans, for instance)' [Munro et al. 1992: 113], mena=men-m 'be long and thin' (plural form: mina=miːn-) [Munro et al. 1992: 140], reva=rev i-m 'be thin, be shiny (of fabric, for instance)' [Munro et al. 1992: 158].
Cocopa:ɾʂaːw2
Crawford 1989: 238. Glossed as 'be thin (as paper or, for some speakers, as hair)'. Word class: impersonal intransitive verb. Cf. also l=ʔil 'be thin and cylindrical or long and thin with square sides' [Crawford 1989: 97].
Yavapai:θˈéq-i3
Shaterian 1983: 442, 624. Related to θˈéq-a 'leaf', q.v.
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested properly. The plural stem wirʔˈiːr 'be thin' occurs only in the following textual example: 'Their children had something wrong with them, and for that reason, they were skinny (wirʔˈiːr), they say...' [Miller 2001: 178, 332]. The relation of this plural stem to wirʔˈir 'to be stiff' [Miller 2001: 63] is unclear.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:wǝ=kʷiːɹ-p4
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 54. Glossed as 'is thin'.
NUMBER:108
WORD:wind
Mojave:mata=ha ~ mat=ha1
Munro et al. 1992: 138.
Cocopa:č=xa1
Crawford 1989: 37. Polysemy: 'wind / air / a Cocopa totem'. Word class: noun. According to Crawford, an initial /m/ has been recently lost in this word: W. H. Kelly ("Cocopa Ethnography", Tucson, 1977) records mitsha for the wind totem. Cf. the derived verb č=iː=xˈa-y 'be windy, wind to blow' [Crawford 1989: 24].
Miller 2001: 78-79, 360. According to [Miller 2001: 78], a compound of mat 'earth / land / place' and xa 'water'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:yaːy-p2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 56. Polysemy: 'wind / is windy / wind is blowing'. Another derivate from this root is ku=yaːy-p 'the wind' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 28].
NUMBER:109
WORD:worm
Mojave:i=ʔˈiːʎ-va1
Munro et al. 1992: 84. Polysemy: 'worm / maggot'. Derived from the verb i=ʔiːʎ-v-m 'have worms', itself derived from i=ʔiːʎ, preserved in ɲ=i=ʔiːʎ 'head louse' (q.v.) and hatčoq iʔiːʎ 'tick (insect)' (hatčoq 'dog') [Munro et al. 1992: 76].
Cocopa:ma=ʔˈiːʎ̥1
Crawford 1989: 130. Polysemy: 'worm / maggot / rice'. Word class: noun. Related to ʔi=ʔˈiʎ̥ 'head lice' (see 'louse').
Munro et al. 1992: 78. Polysemy: 'year / age / last year'.
Cocopa:mˌat-kˈaːm2
Crawford 1989: 125. Word class: noun. This is a compound, whose first part is identical to mat 'earth', q.v. Its second part, kˈ=aː-m, is a verbal form, consisting of a prefix k= with unknown meaning, the root aː ~ʔaː 'to go' and the directional suffix -m 'away'. The verb mˌatkʔˈaːm 'be of a certain age, be so many years old' (3rd person mˌatkwˈam) [Crawford 1989: 125] shows that k= is indeed a prefix (third person prefix w= immediately precedes the root). The same k=ʔˈaː-m is found in xa k=ʔaː-m 'swim' [Crawford 1989: 340] (literally, 'go in water'?).
Yavapai:ʔ=čʰˈur-a3
Shaterian 1983: 369, 639. Related to ʔ=čʰˈuˑr-i 'winter' [Shaterian 1983: 369, 637].
Jamul Tiipay:mat-wˈam2
Miller 2001: 28, 78-79. A compound of mat 'earth / land / place' and w=aːm 'it goes away'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔaːnʸ-1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 1. Borrowed from Spanish año.
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