Munro et al. 1992: 90. Polysemy: 'horn / comb (on a rooster) / topknot (on a quail)'.
Cocopa:kʷa1
Crawford 1989: 69. Polysemy: 'horns (of an animal) / topknot, crest, comb (on a fowl)'. Word class: noun.
Yavapai:kʷˈá1
Shaterian 1983: 398, 571. On p. 398 kʷˈâ is glossed as 'horn' and kʷˈá - as 'Indian spinach'. We presume that this is a misprint, since in other places in [Shaterian 1983] the assignment of tones to these words is opposite: kʷˈá 'horn' [Shaterian 1983: 30, 49, 571] and kʷˈâ 'Indian spinach' [Shaterian 1983: 49, 177, 443, 573].
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested properly, but cf. kʷak š=kʷa 'antlers' ("kwak once meant 'deer' but now means 'cattle' or 'meat''') [Miller 2001: 81].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ǝ=kʷaː1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 17. Glossed as 'his horn (of an animal)'.
Munro et al. 1992: 176. Plural forms: ta=ta=poːy-, ta=t=poːy- 'kill many'. Derived from i=puy-k 'die', q. v.
Cocopa:nak2
Crawford 1989: 150. Word class: transitive verb. Polysemy: 'kill / get the best of / beat up'. Distributive plural: naːk.
Yavapai:nˈéh-i3
Shaterian 1983: 493, 576. The verb 'to kill' in Yavapai has suppletive stems for singular object (nˈéh-) and plural object (kmwˈáːč-) [Shaterian 1983: 95].
Jamul Tiipay:aː=mˈuːč #4
Miller 2001: 14, 102. Plural stem: a=č=uː=mˈuč [Miller 2001: 36, 102]. Other candidates: aː=xʷˈay 'to kill' (plural stem čǝ=xʷˈay) [Miller 2001: 15, 104], aː=wˈat 'to be all gone, over and done with / to extinguish, kill' [Miller 2001: 73].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:aː=muːč4
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 8. Glossed as 'kills one (or one by one)'. Plural: a=č=uː=muč, a=čǝ=muč, a=čǝ=muːč. Distinct from aː=wat (pl. a=čǝ=waːt) 'kills several simultaneously, kills off' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 9].
NUMBER:44
WORD:knee
Mojave:iːmem=i=puk1
Munro et al. 1992: 96. Short form: memipuk. According to [Munro et al. 1992], this word is a compound of iː=me-m 'leg / foot' and iː=puk. The latter form, not attested as a separate word in the dictionary, apparently has the same root as puk in ʔava puk 'corner of a house' (ʔava 'house') [Munro et al. 1992: 34] and ʔaviː puk 'hillside' (ʔaviː 'rock / mountain') [Munro et al. 1992: 36].
Cocopa:ʔimˈiː taːkˈaːɲ2
Crawford 1989: 403. Word class: noun. ʔi=mˈiː means 'leg', taː=kˈaːɲ occurs also in ʔišˈaːʎ̥ taːkˈaːɲ 'elbow' and is derived from the verb kaɲ 'something long to break in two' [Crawford 1989: 47]. Secondary synonym: ʔimˈiː xlaːwˈaːy 'knee' (an old word) [Crawford 1989: 403] (cf. ʔišˈaːʎ̥ xlaːwˈaːy 'elbow' (also an old word)).
Miller 2001: 79. Cf. šaʎ̥ nǝ=pˈuk 'elbow' [Miller 2001: 79] (šaʎ̥ is 'hand', miː - 'foot') and iː=pˈuk 'neck' q.v. Another candidate is miː x=t̪un 'knee' [Miller 2001: 81].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:mǝ=xǝt̪un̪ ~ xǝmǝt̪un̪3
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 32. Glossed as 'his knee'. Related to ʂǝ=xǝ=pǝ=t̪un̪-p 'kneels, is kneeling' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 42] and saɬʸ=xǝt̪un̪ 'his elbow' (ǝ=saɬʸ 'hand / arm') [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 41]. Historically mǝ= in mǝ=xǝt̪un̪ is the word for 'foot / leg'; xǝmǝt̪un̪ is the result of metathesis.
NUMBER:45
WORD:know
Mojave:suːpaw-m1
Munro et al. 1992: 166. Polysemy: 'know / recognize'. Plural form: suːpaw-č-. Contexts, adduced in the dictionary, include: 'I know what you said' [Munro et al. 1992: 78], 'I know that the girl left' [Munro et al. 1992: 110], 'I know there was a rainbow' [Munro et al. 1992: 123], 'I know why he made you cry' [Munro et al. 1992: 174] etc.
Cocopa:ʔuː=yˈaː2
Crawford 1989: 423. Polysemy: 'know / learn / recognize / remember'. Word class: transitive verb. Distributive plural: ʔuː=yˈaw. According to [Crawford 1989: 323], ʔuː=yˈaː contains the prefix uː= (glottal stop is automatic in initial position) 'causative: cause an action or event to occur'.
Yavapai:spˈo1
Shaterian 1983: 340, 451, 577.
Jamul Tiipay:uː=yˈaːw2
Miller 2001: 67, 91, 94, 102, 126, 128-129, 199, 223-226. Polysemy: 'to know / know how'. Plural stem: a=č=uː=yˈaw [Miller 2001: 14, 102]. Typical contexts include: 'I know what you are going to say' [Miller 2001: 177], 'Does she know that you are driving her car?' [Miller 2001: 221], 'You went there to drink beer and I know it' [Miller 2001: 223].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:n̪=uɹ3
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 34. Glossed as 'knows'. Plural: n̪ǝ=t̪=uː=uɹ-p. Secondary synonym: uː=yaːw (pl. u=čǝ=yuːw-p) 'knows' (used more in southern dialect) [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 51].
NUMBER:46
WORD:leaf
Mojave:hamaʎ1
Munro et al. 1992: 73. Polysemy: 'leaf / bark'.
Cocopa:wal2
Crawford 1989: 326. Word class: noun.
Yavapai:θˈéq-a3
Shaterian 1983: 442, 579. Derived from the verb θˈéq-i 'thin' [Shaterian 1983: 442].
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=yaɬ #4
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 5. Polysemy: 'a flat or smooth surface (sheet, shell of acorn, bark, husk, leaf) / not plentiful'. No other word for 'leaf' is listed in [Couro & Hutcheson 1973].
NUMBER:47
WORD:lie
Mojave:i=ðik-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 87. Glossed as 'lie, be lying; be located (in a lying or prone position)'.
Cocopa:yak1
Crawford 1989: 377. Glossed as 'lie, be in a lying position'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: ʔu=yˈak. Cf. pat 'lie down, move to a lying position' [Crawford 1989: 208].
Yavapai:yˈâk-i1
Shaterian 1983: 514, 580. Glossed as 'lie, recline'.
Jamul Tiipay:yak1
Miller 2001: 122. Glossed as 'to lie down'. Examples: mˈat-i yak 'It is lying on the ground' [Miller 2001: 156], muʔyˈuː mǝ=pˈat mǝ=yˈak 'Why are you lying down?' [Miller 2001: 179]. Cf. also the verb t̪=yak 'be lying down / be located (long object with horizontal orientation)' that may be used as main verb, but functions also as a "locational auxiliary" [Miller 2001: 281]. pat 'to lie down' [Miller 2001: 102] is apparently an inchoative verb.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:yaq1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 56. Glossed as 'lies, is located'. Cf. wǝ=lʸak (pl. pǝ=lʸak) 'lies down' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 54].
NUMBER:48
WORD:liver
Mojave:ča=vuθiː1
Munro et al. 1992: 62.
Cocopa:č=puʂˈu1
Crawford 1989: 29. Glossed as 'liver (from an animal)'. Word class: noun. Cf. ɲ=č=puʂˈu 'liver (in one's body)' with animate possessive prefix ɲ= [Crawford 1989: 169].
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 15. Glossed as 'his liver'.
NUMBER:49
WORD:long
Mojave:ʔa=kʸuːʎ-m1
Munro et al. 1992: 21. Glossed as 'be long'. Plural forms: ʔa=č=kʸoʎ-č-, ʔa=č=kʸoːʎ-č-.
Cocopa:kuʎ̥1
Crawford 1989: 63. Glossed as 'be long'. Word class: intransitive verb. Subject and distributive plural: kuːʎ̥ [Crawford 1989: 64]. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to kuɾ 'be distant in space or time' (see 'far').
Yavapai:kʸˈu(ˑ)l-i1
Shaterian 1983: 382, 581. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to kˈûr-a 'long ago' [Shaterian 1983: 388, 581].
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested properly. Cf. kuš 'to be long, tall' [Miller 2001: 126] (examples: '...the tree had grown tall...' [Miller 2001: 47], 'That boy is going to be tall when he grows up' [Miller 2001: 193]).
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=quɬ1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 4. Glossed as 'is long'. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to ʔǝ=kuɹ 'is distant, far / long (time)' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 3].
NUMBER:50
WORD:louse
Mojave:ɲ=i=ʔiːʎ1
Munro et al. 1992: 151. Glossed as 'head louse'. Distinct from hanawaq 'body louse' [Munro et al. 1992: 75]. Related to i=ʔˈiːʎ-va 'worm / maggot', q.v.
Cocopa:ʔi=ʔˈiʎ̥1
Crawford 1989: 413. Glossed as 'head lice'. Word class: noun. Distinct from xaɲčp=ʔˈiʎ̥ 'body lice' [Crawford 1989: 344]. Related to ma=ʔˈiːʎ̥ 'worm / maggot / rice', q.v.
Yavapai:hʔˈel1
Shaterian 1983: 420, 467, 582.
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ǝ=miɬʸ1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 17. Glossed as 'his head louse'. Distinct from xǝɬʸčǝpuk 'body louse' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 21].
NUMBER:51
WORD:man
Mojave:ʔiː=pa1
Munro et al. 1992: 41. Polysemy: 'man / male'. Short form: pa. Plural form: ʔiː=pa-č 'men'.
Cocopa:ʔa=pˈa1
Crawford 1989: 389. Word class: noun. Plural form: ʔa=pˈaː-s.
Yavapai:pˌaˑ-hmˈi-(ya)1
Shaterian 1983: 346, 467, 583. A compound of ʔ=pˈáˑ ~ ʔ=pˈâˑ 'person / Indian' q.v., and hmˈi 'tall / energetic / ambitious' [Shaterian 1983: 467].
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 6. Polysemy: 'man / male'. Plural: ʔiː=kʷiː-č. Secondary synonym: ʔiː=pa-č 'man, fellow' (considered slang in Mesa Grande speech, standard word for 'man' in Campo dialect) [ibid.].
NUMBER:52
WORD:many
Mojave:ʔa=paʎ-m1
Munro et al. 1992: 31. Polysemy: 'be many, much / be too many, too much'. According to [Munro et al. 1992], related to pay 'all', q.v.
Cocopa:ʎ̥ay2
Crawford 1989: 104. Glossed as 'be numerous, many, a lot of'. Word class: intransitive verb. Cf. ʔiɲ=ˈaːm 'be very much, very many' (impersonal intransitive verb) [Crawford 1989: 404] (3rd person subject plural ɲ=ɲ=w=am [Crawford 1989: 173] shows that the root begins with a vowel).
Yavapai:ʔ=tˈe #3
Shaterian 1983: 353, 583. Polysemy: 'many / old / grown'. Related to β=tˈe 'big, large' q.v. Another candidate is lˈa(ˑ)w-i [Shaterian 1983: 508, 583].
Jamul Tiipay:ʎ̥aw2
Miller 2001: 125-126, 137, 360. Glossed as 'to be much, many'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:xǝmiːy ~ ʔǝxmiːy4
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 22. Glossed as 'are many, a lot'.
Shaterian 1983: 401, 584. Polysemy: 'meat / game'. Derived from θˈoˑ 'eat meat' [Shaterian 1983: 443] with the dummy object complement kʷˌeˑ=.
Jamul Tiipay:kʷak4
Miller 2001: 77. Polysemy: 'cattle / meat'. Miller comments: "kwak once meant 'deer' but now means 'cattle' or 'meat'. The modern Jamul word for 'deer' is kwak xèntil" [Miller 2001: 81]. Secondary synonym: kǝkʷˈaːyp 'cattle / meat' [Miller 2001: 83]. In the text "Drying Meat" [Miller 2001: 343-348] meat is consistently called kʷak, except for one sentence where both words are used: 'That's how she made dried meat (kʷak), and that's how we always used to eat meat (kǝkʷˈaːyp), in the past, when we were young' [Miller 2001: 347-348].
Crawford 1989: 356. Polysemy: 'moon / month'. Word class: noun. The derived verb xʎ̥=iː=ʔˈaː 'moon to shine' [Crawford 1989: 356] shows the presence of a morphemic boundary in an otherwise unanalizable noun.
Yavapai:hlˈa1
Shaterian 1983: 469, 508, 586.
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested properly, but cf. ʎ̥ʔa 'month' [Miller 2001: 270]. This word possibly means 'moon' as well, but there is no evidence for that in [Miller 2001].
Miller 2001: 353. Literally 'big land'. Occurs in the following example: mat kʷ=a=t̪ˈay wa-č yu i xa=sʔˈiʎ̥ kʷaʔˈuːr-i 'A mountain is (lit. sits) there, they say, at the edge of the ocean'. It is not clear whether this is the basic designation of 'mountain' in Jamul Tiipay.
Munro et al. 1992: 109. Polysemy: 'mouth / language'. Short form: ya. Plural form: iː=ya-č.
Cocopa:ʔi=yˈa1
Crawford 1989: 409. Polysemy: 'mouth / language / tooth / lip'. Word class: noun. The synchronic polysemy 'mouth / tooth' is apparently a result of a phonetic coincidence of two separate Proto-Yuman roots: 'mouth / language' and 'tooth'.
Crawford 1989: 146. Word class: noun. 3rd person possessive form: ʔu=mˈuʎ̥.
Yavapai:mˈul ~ mˈol1
Shaterian 1983: 482, 589.
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:čǝ=xi-č2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 14. Related to čuː=xiː (pl. čuː=xiː-č-p) 'names, calls by his name' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 16]. Cf. ʂiː=muɬ 'clan, group of people who have same last name, term of address for any member of such group; family name' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 43].
NUMBER:58
WORD:neck
Mojave:maʎaqe1
Munro et al. 1992: 131. Polysemy: 'neck / voice'.
Cocopa:m=puk2
Crawford 1989: 142. Glossed as 'nape of neck'. Word class: noun. There is no word glossed simply as 'neck' in [Crawford 1989]. Cf. the following example: "He picked up a machete ... and cut (the young man's) neck (ɲmpuk)" [Crawford 1983: 452-453]. m= is a desemanticized prefix [Crawford 1989: 116].
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 24. Polysemy: 'his neck / nape'. Distinct from ǝ=nʸaɬʸ 'his throat, front of neck' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 17].
NUMBER:59
WORD:new
Mojave:ma=piːθ-1
Munro et al. 1992: 132. Glossed as 'be new'. Plural form: ma=piːθ-č-. Related to piθ 'now, right now / all of a sudden' [Munro et al. 1992: 155].
Cocopa:xaɲ2
Crawford 1989: 343. Polysemy: 'be new / fine / genuine / real / good / first-class'. Word class: intransitive verb. Subject and distributive plural: xaːɲ.
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 54. Glossed as 'is new'. Plural: wǝ=xaːy-č. A synonym from the same root: ʔǝ=xay (pl. ʔǝ=xay-č) 'is new' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 2].
NUMBER:60
WORD:night
Mojave:tiː=ɲam-1
Munro et al. 1992: 181. Polysemy: 'be last night / be dark / be night'.
Cocopa:č=ɲam1
Crawford 1989: 28. Polysemy: 'be dark / be night'. Word class: impersonal intransitive verb.
Yavapai:hiˑ=pˈaˑ2
Shaterian 1983: 339, 557. Glossed as 'evening'. Cf. hi=pˈáˑ-m 'at night' [Shaterian 1983: 459, 590] (-m is the temporal locative ending [Shaterian 1983: 111]). According to [Shaterian 1983: 339], derived from pˈaˑ 'shine'.
Jamul Tiipay:t̪iː=ɲˈam1
Miller 2001: 14, 243, 360. Glossed as 'to be night'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ku=xun3
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 26. A nominalization of the verb xun '(it) is dark, night' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 23]. Cf. t̪iː=nʸaːm 'last night' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 48].
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