Apparently originates from Proto-Iranian *xama-kaθa 'by the whole house' [Abaev 1958: 170].
Digor Ossetic:ɜpːɜt {æппæт} ~ ɜnkːɜt {æнккæт}1
Yaghnobi:hˈama {háma}-1
ALP 1957: 260; Novák 2010: 65. An example: {Aš-Bibí роščóĕ ínčĕ lĭbóstš hámma-š anŭγúnt} "Aš-Bibi put all the clothes of the king's wife on" (MT) [AP 1957: 52]. This word is a Tajik borrowing, compare Tajik hamˈa {ҳама} 'all' [RU 1954: 498]. Yaghnobi speakers normally consider this form plural, so it usually agrees with verbs in the plural number [Khromov 1972: 28].
Phonetic variants: hˈamːa {hámma} ~ hamːˈa {hammá}. ALP also lists more peculiar phonetic variants ˈamːa {ámma} and xˈamːa {xámma} [ALP 1957: 260]. It is possible to find similar phonetic variability in other Tajik loans, compare hamrˈah {hamráh} ~ hamrˈa {hamrá} ~ amrˈa {amrá} ~ χamrˈa {xamrá} ~ hamrˈoː {hamró} 'companion; together' [ALP 1957: 261].
Dictionaries mention that the word yˈakay {yákay} ~ yˈakːay {yákkay} ~ yˈakːi {yákkĕ} [ALP 1957: 365; Novák 2010: 198] also means 'all (omnis)' in some contexts, for example {yákkẹ̆ atẹrór} "all have gone" [ALP 1957: 365]. However, the attested polysemy: 'all / at once' points to the meaning 'all at once, all together'.
Parachi:ho {hu} / hos {hos}2
Efimov 2009: 202; Morgenstierne 1929: 258, 260. The first form is proclitical. Morgenstierne thinks that ho {hu} (and hos {hos} respectively) should be derived from Proto-Iranian {*haru̯a-} 'all' [Morgenstierne 1929: 258].
Distinct from the Arabic borrowing {tamǻm} which means 'all (totus) / whole' [Efimov 2009: 239; Morgenstierne 1929: 294]. In addition, there are some occasionally used Persian loans like kolː {kull} 'all' [Morgenstierne 1929: 265] and kolːagi {kollagi} 'all' [Efimov 2009: 210].
Avestan:wisp-a- {vispa-}3
Bartholomae 1904: 1460-1463. Polysemy: 'all (omnis) / every / all (totus)'. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.
Distinct from the less frequent ham-a- {hama-} 'every, omnis / whole, totus' [Bartholomae 1904: 1773-1774] and from har-wa- {hauruua-} 'whole' [Bartholomae 1904: 1790-1791].
Continues Proto-Iranian {*u̯iś-u̯a-} and PIE {*u̯ik̑-u̯o-} 'all'; related to Vedic wˈiʆw-a- {víśva-}, Lituanian {vìsas}, OCS {vьsь} 'all' [EWAia II: 562-563].
ALP 1957: 360; Novák 2010: 191. Polysemy: 'ashes / remains'. There are two types of contexts in fairytales recorded by Andreev and Peshchereva. The first one is related to ashes as the product of burning of (wooden) buildings: {Kat xokĭstár víčĕ} "The house turned into ashes" [AP 1957: 149]. The second one is figurative and refers to a dead human body: {Inč xokstár vútax tórta} "The woman (wife) turned into ashes" [AP 1957: 101]. The word in question represents a Tajik loan: cf. Tajik xɔːkistˈar {хокистар} 'ashes' [RU 1954: 424].
Additionally, in Yaghnobi the designation for 'still hot ashes mixed with live coals' qˈur {qŭr} is attested. It is tempting to treat this word as a Turkic loanword: Turkic {*qurum} means ˈsootˈ, and cf. also dial. Khakas {хур} ˈsootˈ and dial. Uyghur {қўpo} ˈsootˈ [ESTJ 6: 170-171]. However, this is somewhat problematic on the semantic side.
Parachi:ǯhoɳɖ {ǰʽoṇḍ}-1
Efimov 2009: 205. No contexts. Judging by its phonetic form, this word was borrowed from one of Northwestern Indian or Dardic languages.
It is impossible to decide whether the main word for 'ashes' is ǯhoɳɖ {ǰʽoṇḍ} or bhɒːʁ {bʽåγ}.
Avestan:aː-tr-ya- {ātriia-}3
Bartholomae 1904: 320. This Young Avestan word occurs only in V. 8, 8; this passage is a later addition to the text [Bartholomae 1904: 320]. However, this lexeme is a member of the Young Avestan compound aː-tr-ya=pati=ris-ta- {ātriio.-paiti.irista-} 'mixed with ashes' and has further etymological connections with Iranian words meaning 'ashes'; compare Pashto {īrá}, Rushan {aθēr} 'ashes' etc. [EDIL 1: 319-320].
The word aː-tr-ya- {ātriia-} is derived from Avestan aː-tar- {ātar-} 'fire' < Proto-Iranian {*ā-tar-} [EDIL 1: 319].
NUMBER:2
WORD:ashes
Iron Ossetic:
Digor Ossetic:
Yaghnobi:
Parachi:bhɒːʁ {bʽåγ}2
A problematic case. Morgenstierne translates this word as 'ashes / earth', while Efimov lists it as 'dust / remains'. However, there are no contexts.
Morgenstierne compares Old Indian {bhasman} 'sacred ashes' and reconstructs the protoform {*bahāka-} [Morgenstierne 1929: 240].
Avestan:
NUMBER:3
WORD:bark
Iron Ossetic:cʼar {цъар}1
Of unclear origin, cf. [Abaev 1958: 330]. The word resembles certain Caucasian forms, especially Proto-Nakh *čʼʡoːr 'envelope, peel' (> Chechen čʼqʼor, Ingush čʼor, Batsbi čʼar), thus, most likely, a Caucasian loanword.
Digor Ossetic:cʼarɜ {цъарæ}1
Yaghnobi:puːst {pust}2
ALP 1957: 310; Novák 2010: 137. The word pˈuːst {pust} is similar to pˈuːst {pust} 'skin'. This word has a Sogdian (S) parallel {pwst(h)} 'skin, leather' [Gharib 1995: 331]. Absence of the meaning 'bark' in Sogdian together with the existence of Tajik pˈɵːst {пӯст} 'skin, hide/ bark' [RU 1954: 316] does not allow to exactly determine whether the meaning 'bark' for Yaghnobi pˈuːst is inherited or was borrowed from Tajik. However, the absence of such meaning in Sogdian can easily be due to coincidence, so it is preferable to treat it as an inherited word.
Phonetic variants: pˈust {pŭst} [ALP 1957: 310].
A more peculiar word is pustlˈoːq {pŭstlóq} ~ puslˈoːq {pŭslóq} [ALP 1957: 310], meaning 'bark, bast'. It is unquestionably a borrowing from Tajik pɵːstlˈɔːq {пӯстлоқ} 'bark, bast' [RU 1954: 317]. There are no examples in published texts, so it is impossible to describe exact semantic differences between these two words in Yaghnobi. Anyhow, [ALP 1957: 310] is the only source of Yaghnobi pustlˈoːq {pŭstlóq}, so it can hardly represent the basic word for 'bark'.
Parachi:puːst {pust}-1
Efimov 2009: 230; Morgenstierne 1929: 281. Polysemy: 'skin / peel / bark'. It is worth mentioning that Efimov does not list the meaning 'bark' along with the others, while Morgenstierne cites the expression pˈuːst-e bhiːn-ikˈ-e {pūst-e bhīniˈke} 'bark of tree' [Morgenstierne 1929: 53, 281]. Transparent Persian borrowing.
Avestan:
Not attested. It is possible that the word paːs-ta- {pąsta-} 'skin (on the head)' [Bartholomae 1904: 904] could have the second meaning 'bark' (as in many Iranian languages), but there are no data that would definitively prove this.
NUMBER:4
WORD:belly
Iron Ossetic:gʷǝbǝn {гуыбын}1
The origin of gʷǝbǝn, gubun is unclear. It belongs to a group of words meaning 'round' [Abaev 1958: 528], which are, according to [Abaev 1979: 330-335], a very broad cross-linguistic class of ideophones that cannot be derived from a single source.
Digor Ossetic:gubun {губун}1
According to Abaev, Digor uses a different word for 'belly' - qɜstɜ (of unknown origin), more often than gubun [Abaev 1973: 298-299]. The shift to gubun might have been due to secondary Iron influence on Digor (at least it can concern our Digor informant, which lives in Vladikavkaz).
Yaghnobi:dˈar-a {dára}2
ALP 1957: 244; Novák 2010: 32. There are some examples in texts: {pódotem áspĕ dárĕ tákĕ vek vant} "Bind my legs under the horse’s belly!" [AP 1957: 139]; {dár-a-m sẹr avǝ́} "I am satiated"; literally, "my belly has become satiated" [AP 1957: 172, 244] (the last phrase belongs to a mouse speaking about itself; however, it is reasonable to think that it speaks from an anthropomorphic perspective).
Efimov 2009: 172; Morgenstierne 1929: 237. Probably of Indo-Iranian origin; Morgenstierne compares Old Indian {stabh-} 'fasten' and reconstructs such dubious protoforms as {*staf-} < {*stebh-} [Morgenstierne 1929: 237]. Anyhow, this word seems to be inherited, judging by its phonetic form and by the absence of similar words in neighbour languages.
Phonetic variants: t can also be retroflex in this word, compare ašʈˈaw {ašṭáw} [Efimov 2009: 172].
The rare word χiːʈ {xīṭ} represents a borrowing from Pashto [Morgenstierne 1929: 301].
The word for 'stomach' is not attested.
Avestan:udar-a- {udara-} #2
Bartholomae 1904: 387. Only as a member of the compound udara=θrans-a- {udarō.θrąsa-} 'creeping on belly', attested in Videvdad.
Distinct from ruθ-wan- {uruθuuan} 'entrails / belly (of Ahuric creatures)' [Bartholomae 1904: 1531-1532] and marš-u- {maršu-} 'belly of daevic creatures' [Bartholomae 1904: 1153-1154].
The word udar-a- {udara-} is related to Vedic udˈar-a- {udára-} 'belly'; Indo-Iranian words cannot be separated from Greek {ὕδερος} 'dropsy', Old Prussian {weders} 'belly / stomach'; it is not clear whether all these cognates are derived from PIE {*ud-er-} 'water' or not [EWAia I: 216].
NUMBER:5
WORD:big
Iron Ossetic:štǝr {стыр}1
Originates from Proto-Iranian *stuːra- 'great' [Abaev 1979: 159].
Digor Ossetic:ustur {устур}1
Yaghnobi:kˈatː-a {kátta}-1
ALP 1957: 271-272; Novák 2010: 84. Plural kˈatː-oːt {káttot}. The word is used with a wide range of objects: {i kátta sank} 'a big stone' [AP 1957: 130], {kátta kálla} 'a big jug' [AP 1957: 179], {kátta vuz} 'a big goat' [Khromov 1957: 20] etc.
Polysemy: 'big / elder/ famous' [ALP 1957: 271]. Borrowed from Uzbek katːˈa {катта} 'big' [Akabirov et al. 1959: 204].
Efimov 2009: 195; Morgenstierne 1929: 253. Used with a wide range of objects. Polysemy: 'big / great / tall' [Efimov 2009: 195].
Borrowed from one of Northwestern Indian or Dardic languages; compare Lahnda {ghāṇ} 'big' [Morgenstierne 1929: 253].
Avestan:maz-ant- {mazant-}2
Bartholomae 1904: 1157. Polysemy: 'big / great / mighty, powerful / vast, spacious'. Young Avestan: Yasna, Yasht etc. In addition, there is a Gathic stem maz- {maz-} 'big / important' [Bartholomae 1904: 1156].
Distinct from the less frequent Young Avestan mas- {mas-} 'elongate, long, big' [Bartholomae 1904: 1154].
Avestan maz- {maz-} / maz-ant- {mazant-} is related to Greek {μέγα} 'big', Old Hittite {mek-} 'many' etc. These forms can be traced back to the same protoform {*meǵh2-} [EWAia II: 337-339].
NUMBER:6
WORD:bird
Iron Ossetic:cʼiw {цъиу}1
See [Abaev 1958: 336] (according to Abaev, an onomatopoeic form).
Digor Ossetic:čʼew {цъеу}1
Yaghnobi:parand-ˈa {parandá}-1
ALP 1957: 303; Novák 2010: 129. This word is a Tajik loanword, compare Tajik parːandˈa {парранда} 'bird' [RU 1954: 300].
Parachi:
Not attested. One should mention the word korʁ {korγ} 'hen' [Efimov 2009: 210; Morgenstierne 1929: 267], which also serves as a member of some expressions designating names of other birds (similar to hens). For example, 'duck' is called kˈorʁ-e ɒːw-iː {ˈkurγ-e âˈwī}, 'wild hen' – kˈorʁ-e dhˈɒːriː {ˈkurγ-e ˈdhârī} [Morgenstierne 1929: 267].
The word is inherited and originates from Proto-Iranian {*kr̥ka-} 'hen / cock' [EDIL 4: 398-401].
Avestan:wi- {vi-} / way- {vay-}3
Bartholomae 1904: 1356-1357. Young Avestan. Occurs in Yasna, Yasht and Videvdad. Attested forms: nom. sg wi-š {vīš}, nom. pl. way-oː {vaiiō-} gen. pl. way-aːm {vaiiąm} etc. An example: Yt. 14, 19 "that is (Verethraghna in the shape of a raven) the swiftest of all birds, the lightest of the flying creatures".
Dictinct from Young Avestan mr̩g-a- {mǝrǝga-} 'big bird / hen', which is also used to form names of bird species [Bartholomae 1904: 1172].
Avestan wi- {vi-} / way- {vaii-} has such cognates as Vedic wi- {vi-} / way- {ve-, vay-} 'bird', Armenian {haw} 'bird / hen, cock', Latin {auis} 'bird' etc. [EWAia II: 507-508]
NUMBER:6
WORD:bird
Iron Ossetic:
Digor Ossetic:
Yaghnobi:muːrʁ {murγ}2
ALP 1957: 288; Novák 2010: 110. Polysemy: 'hen/ bird'. In [Lurye 2015] it is made clear that mˈuːrʁ {му́рғ} is not 'a hen'. Inherited term; compare Sogdian (S, M) {mrγ-y} 'bird', Avestan {mǝrǝγa-} 'bird, especially big' [Novák 2013: 177].
The word ǯoːndˈoːr {ǰondór} [ALP 1957: 267; Novák 2010: 76] means 'animal / bird' and occurs only in one text. Borrowed from Tajik ǯɔːndˈɔːr {ҷондор} 'alive / creature (animal or bird)' [RU 1954: 518]. A small bird, especially 'sparrow', is called sˈiːča {síča} [ALP 1957: 321]. The term qˈuš {qŭš} means 'hunting bird' [ALP 1957: 281] and represents an Uzbek loanword, compare Uzbek qˈuš {қуш} 'bird' [Akabirov et al. 1959: 633].
Parachi:
Avestan:
NUMBER:7
WORD:bite
Iron Ossetic:χɜs- {хæц-} ~ χɜs-ǝd- {хæцыд-}1
Paradigm: χɜs-, χʷɜc- [pres.] / χɜs-ǝd-, χʷɜs-t- [pret.]. The initial meaning is 'to hold, seize'. Originates from Proto-Iranian *xʷaǯ- [Abaev 1989: 152-154].
Digor Ossetic:χʷɜc- {хуæц-} ~ χʷɜs-t- {хуæст-}1
Yaghnobi:kan- {kan-}2
ALP 1957: 270; Novák 2010: 82. Past participle kˈan-ta {kánta}. Examples: {qozíĕ kut a=kán-ĕm} "The judge's dog bit me", literally "I was bitten by the judge's dog"; {Tĭk qozị́ĕ kut a=kán-ĕm} "The judge's dog bit me again" (PR) [AP 1957: 110].
Polysemy: 'to dig / to tear off / to pinch / to bite / to stummer, stutter' etc. [ALP 1957: 270]. Rich polysemy is usual for other Iranian reflexes of Proto-Iranian {*kan-} 'to dig; to tear of; to strew'; it seems probable that several Proto-Iranian roots contaminated in this form [EDIL 3: 199-214].
It is impossible to distinguish exactly between kan- {kan-} and xišoːy- {xišóy-}.
Efimov 2009: 69; Morgenstierne 1929: 254. Polysemy: 'to bite / to sting'. Unfortunately, the best example is the following: {ˈkhâi͔ ˈzâ-m te ˈgasa} "something bites me" [Morgenstierne 1929: 77]. The form {gōst-} represents a secondary formation. Continues Proto-Iranian {*gaź-} / {*gaiź-} 'to sting / to bite / to be sour / sharp, to be sharp' [EDIL 3: 263].
Avestan:dans- {dąs-} #5
Bartholomae 1904: 454, 653. This verb has no finite forms in Avesta. The root dans- {dąs-} is attested in derivatives tiž-i=dans-u-ra- {tiži.dąsura-} (V. 13. 39, of a dog), tiž-i=dans-tra- {tiži.dąstra-} 'biting sharply, with sharp teeth' (Yt. 14. 15, of a wild boar) [Bartholomae 1904: 653] and kar-ta=dans-u- {karǝtō.dąsu-} 'a name of a cock', literally 'biting with knife' (FrW. 10. 41) [Bartholomae 1904: 454].
This word is related to Vedic daɱʆ- {daṃś-}, Greek {δάκνω} 'to bite', NHG {Zange} 'tongs' etc. and continues PIE {*denḱ-} 'to bite' [EWAia I: 688; LIV2 2001: 117-118].
NUMBER:7
WORD:bite
Iron Ossetic:
Digor Ossetic:
Yaghnobi:xišoːy- {xišóy-}3
ALP 1957: 359; Novák 2010: 191. In dictionaries, the verb xišˈoːy- {xišóy-} has the basic meaning 'to chew' as well as two others, 'to gnaw; to bite'. However, no contexts are attested with these two meanings.
Parachi:
Avestan:
NUMBER:8
WORD:black
Iron Ossetic:šaw {сау}1
Originates from Proto-Iranian *sʸyaːva- 'black' [Abaev 1979: 42-43].
Digor Ossetic:saw {сау}1
Yaghnobi:šoːw {šou̯}1
ALP 1957: 328; Novák 2010: 161. Unambiguously the basic word for 'black' in Yaghnobi. This adjective combines with such nouns as 'lamb': {hazór šοu̯ qašqosár rónẹ̆} "one thousand black lambs with the white star on the forehead", 'horse': {hazór šou̯ ášpĕ} "one thousand black horses" (MT) [AP 1957: 47] etc. In addition, there is a derivative šoːwˈ-i {šow} meaning 'blackness, darkness' [Khromov 1972: 181]. From Proto-Iranian {*śi̯āu̯a- ‘black’} [Novák 2013: 205].
The Tajik loanword siyˈoːh {sĭyóh} (compare Tajik siyˈɔːh {cиёҳ} [RU 1954: 356]) occurs in several texts. The first one was elicited from a person with a very good knowledge of Tajik [AP 1957: 30-37, № 3 (MT)], and others are also marked with Tajik influence. On the whole, it is clear that the loanword siyˈoːh {sĭyóh} has not managed to replace šˈoːw {šou̯} in normal Yaghnobi speech of the 1920s.
Parachi:pˈadoː {pádō}-1
Efimov 2009: 225; Morgenstierne 1929: 278. Etymology is unknown. Judging by the phonetic form, the word must be a borrowing.
Bartholomae 1904: 1631. Young Avestan: Yasht. In addition, there is a Young Avestan (Yasht) adjective saː-ma- {sāma-} 'black' < {*syāma-} [Bartholomae 1904: 1571].
Distinct from wah-u=gawn-a {vohu.gaona-} 'blood-coloured, black' [Bartholomae 1904: 1432].
Continues PIE {*ḱi̯eh1-u̯o-} / {*ḱi̯eh1-mo-} / {*ḱih1-u̯o-} / {*ḱih1-mo-} 'dark, black, grey etc.'; related to Lithuanian {šývas} 'ash grey', {šmas} 'ashy, ash grey', Old Russian {sivъ} 'ash grey' etc. [EWAia II: 661].
NUMBER:9
WORD:blood
Iron Ossetic:tug {туг}1
Originates from Proto-Iranian *tauka- 'sperm (?)' [Abaev 1979: 309-310].
Digor Ossetic:tog {тог}1
Yaghnobi:wˈaχin {wáxĭn}2
ALP 1957: 351; Novák 2010: 183. Certainly the basic word for 'blood'. An example: {Žútay nẹspočákĕ vekš wáxin avvóu̯} "Blood went from the young man’s nostril" (SQ) [AP 1957: 154, 292]. From Proto-Iranian {*u̯ahu(r)na-} 'blood' [Novák 2013: 182].
The word χˈuːn {xun} was borrowed from Tajik χˈun {хун} 'blood' [RU 1954: 430]). It occurs only in one text, which shows other signs of Tajik influence as well (for example, the same narrator uses the word siyˈoːh {sĭyóh} for ‘black’). An example: {xún-ẹ̆ badán zmákše} '(she) sucks blood of the body out' (SQ) [AP 1957: 127, № 27].
Parachi:hiːn {hin}2
Efimov 2009: 202; Morgenstierne 1929: 259. An example: {hín-om sórkō-a} "I have red blood", literally "my blood is red" [Efimov 2009: 163]. The word is inherited and continues Proto-Iranian {*u̯ahuna-} or {u̯ahuni-} 'blood', compare Avestan {vohunī-} 'blood' [Bartholomae 1904: 1434], but {vohunavant-} 'bloody' [Bartholomae 1904: 1433].
Bartholomae 1904: 1433-1434. Young Avestan: Yasht, Videvdad etc.
Continues Proto-Iranian {*u̯ahu̯ana-} / {*u̯ahu̯ani-}. Cognates of this word for 'blood' can be found in the majority of Iranian languages; however, further etymology is unknown.
NUMBER:10
WORD:bone
Iron Ossetic:ǝštɜg {ыстæг} ~ štɜg {стæг}1
Originates from Proto-Iranian *astaka 'bone' [Abaev 1958: 190].
Digor Ossetic:ɜstɜg {æстæг}1
Yaghnobi:sitˈak {sták}1
ALP 1957: 322; Novák 2010: 154. Attested in two contexts: {naxáx xokstár sĭták avú} "these ashes have become bone" (Bidéw) (about bones of a woman) [AP 1957: 101] and {man in-núr nĕhĭ́parau̯ pŭsták-t sĭták axwárem} "today I have eaten so many animal skins and bones" (about bones of animals) (SQ) [AP 1957: 172]. An inherited word, from Proto-Iranian {*astaka-} 'bone'.
Distinct from doːnˈak {donák}, which means 'pit, stone' [ALP 1957: 248] and represents a borrowing from Tajik dɔːnˈak {донак} 'pit, stone' [RU 1954: 135].
Parachi:haɖ {haḍ}-1
Efimov 2009: 199; Morgenstierne 1929: 258. An example: "bone is firm like stone" [Efimov 2009: 131]. Borrowed from one of Northwestern Indian or Dardic languages; compare Lahnda haɖː {haḍḍ} 'bone' [Morgenstierne 1929: 258].
Efimov mentions the form ostoχˈɒːn {ostoxån} [Efimov 2009: 224], representing an apparent borrowing from Persian.
Avestan:ast- {ast-}1
Bartholomae 1904: 211-212. Polysemy: 'bone (of men and animals) / skeleton'. Old and Young Avestan: Gathas, Yasna, Yasht, Videvdad etc.
Related to Vedic astʰ-i- {asthi-} / astʰ-n- {asthn-} / astʰ-a- {astha-}; Indo-Iranian words under consideration originate from the old PIE noun reconstructed by M. Mayrhofer as {*h2ost-h2/ -n-}; compare Hittite {haštai} 'bone, bones', Greek {ὀστέον} 'bone', Latin {os}, gen. sg. {oss-is} 'bone, bones' [EWAia I: 150-151].
NUMBER:11
WORD:breast
Iron Ossetic:riw {риу}1
Originates from Proto-Iranian *raibya- 'ribs (?)' [Abaev 1973: 414-415].
Digor Ossetic:rew {реу}1
Yaghnobi:sˈiːna {sī́na}-1
Bogolyubov 1966: 345; Novák 2010: 153]. No contexts. Borrowed from Tajik sinˈa {сина} [RU 1954: 358].
Distinct from Yaghnobi: čˈič {čĭč} {čĕč} ˈwoman’s breastˈ, which can also mean ˈudderˈ [AP 1957: 238]. The special word for ˈudderˈ is vˈüːna {vúna} {vʉ̄́na} [ALP 1957: 349; Novák 2010: 182].
Parachi:sˈiːz {siz}2
Efimov 2009: 236; Morgenstierne 1929: 289. Polysemy: 'female breast / breast'. In spite of the fact that this word in the first place designates 'female breast', there is one context where a young man uses this word to speak about his own breast [Morgenstierne 1929: 220].
This word does not have a clear etymology. Judging by the phonetic form, it seems to be inherited.
It is impossible to decide whether the main word for 'breast' is sˈiːz {siz} or bˈar {bar}.
Avestan:war-ah- {varah-}3
Bartholomae 1904: 1365. Young Avestan: used once in Frahang and in compounds pati=war-ah- {paiti.varah-} 'neck' (Videvdad; literally 'what is opposite to breast') [Bartholomae 1904: 834] and pr̩θu=war-ah- {pǝrǝθu.varah-} 'having broad breast, broad-chested' (Yt. 15. 54) [Bartholomae 1904: 893].
Distinct from fštaːn-a- {fštāna-} 'woman’s breasts' [Bartholomae 1904: 1030].
The word war-ah- {varah-} is derived from var-u- {vouru-} 'wide'; related to Vedic ˈur-as- {úras-} 'breast'.
NUMBER:11
WORD:breast
Iron Ossetic:
Digor Ossetic:
Yaghnobi:
Parachi:bˈar {bar}-1
Morgenstierne 1929: 242. An example: {ō ˈbar tar-om xu ˈâγa} "she came to my breast" [Morgenstirne 1929: 242]. Persian borrowing.
There are also terms exclusively for 'female breast': guˈɒːn {guǻn} ~ guwˈɒːn {guwǻn} 'female breast / udder' [Efimov 2009: 196], siːnˈō {sinō} 'female breast' [Efimov 2009: 235].
ALP 1957: 323; Novák 2010: 156. Past participle: sˈuːš-ta {súšta}. Examples: {xayr, gowóra ŭ́nxoy, suč} "well, break the cradle, burn (it)!" (MT) [AP 1957: 53]; {šou̯ ášpĕ dŭ́meš a=súǰ} "He has burnt a black horse's hair" (Bidéw) [AP 1957: 93]; {kusáĕ kat a=súǰ} "He has burnt the house of Beardless" (SQ) [AP 1957: 149].
Phonetic variants: sˈuǯ- {suǰ-}.
The intransitive verb 'to burn' is suχš- {šŭxš-} [ALP 1957: 324; Novák 2010: 157].
Parachi:theːw- {tʽēw-} / theːy-ˈi- {thēyí}2
Efimov 2009: 242; Morgenstierne 1929: 293. An example: {ē bhin hós-ē thēí} 'he burnt this entire tree' [Efimov 2009: 60]. Phonetic variants: the stem theːw- {tʽēw-} can have the variant theːy- {tʽēy-}; past stem has variants theːy-ˈi- {thēyí} ~ theː-ˈi- {thēí}.
Derived from the- {tʽe-} ~ thiː- {tʽi} 'to burn intr.' (also in figurative use) [Efimov 2009: 242; Morgenstierne 1929: 293]. This verbal root exists in several Eastern Iranian languages and originates from Proto-Iranian {*θu-} ~ {θau̯-} 'to burn' [Steblin-Kamensky 1999: 374].
Avestan:daž- {daž-}3
Bartholomae 1904: 675. Polysemy: 'to burn (atelic) / to burn (telic), to burn down' (also in figurative sense). Present 3 sg. daž-a-ti {dažaiti}, imperfect 3 sg. daž-a-t {dažat̰}. Young Avestan: Yasna, Videvdad etc.
Continues PIE {*dʰegu̯h-} 'to burn'; related to Vedic daɦ- {dah-} / dʰaːk- {dhāk-}, Tocharian AB {tsäk-} 'to burn up, to consume by fire etc.', Lithuanian {degù} 'I burn' etc. [EWAia I: 712-713].
NUMBER:13
WORD:claw (nail)
Iron Ossetic:nǝχ {ных}1
Originates from Proto-Iranian *naxa- 'fingernail' [Abaev 1973: 217-218].
Digor Ossetic:niχ {них}1
Yaghnobi:nˈaχn-a {náxna}1
ALP 1957: 292; Novák 2010: 113. No examples in published texts. Polysemy: 'nail / claw'. The expression nˈaχna-i sˈar {náxnaĭ sar} means 'nail’s edge' [ALP 1957: 292]. In the secret language, nˈaχna {náxna} means 'rouble, money' [ALP 1957: 292; Khromov 1972: 175; Novák 2010: 113]. The penetration of this word into the secret language is probably due to its final -na, which resembles the present participle suffix -na found in many other secret language lexemes (compare yˈoːz-na {yózna} 'hand', derived from the verb yˈoːz- {yoz-} 'to stretch' [ALP 1957: 366]).
Originates from Proto-Iranian {*nā̆xa-na-}, compare Sogdian {n’γ’n} [Gharib 1995: 230].
Parachi:noːrk {nōrk}1
Efimov 2009: 222; Morgenstierne 1929: 277. It seems that this word continues the protoform *naxra- 'nail' [Morgenstierne 1929: 23, 277].
There is also a word kˈuːk {kūk} 'nail', which occurs only once and represents a borrowing from one of Northwestern Indian or Dardic languages; compare Lahnda {kōkā} 'nail' [Morgenstierne 1929: 265].
Avestan:sr-uː- {srū-} / sr-w-aː- {sruuā-}2
Bartholomae 1904: 1647-1648. Polysemy: 'nail / horn'. Young Avestan: Videvdad.
NUMBER:14
WORD:cloud
Iron Ossetic:ɜvraʁ {æврагъ}1
Iron ɜvraʁ may originate from Proto-Iranian *abra 'cloud', although such an etymology runs into phonetic problems [Abaev 1958: 205]. Somewhat differently in [Cheung 2002: 167], where ɜv-raʁ is treated as a compound of arv 'sky' (< Proto-Iranian *abra 'cloud') and raʁ 'back(bone); mountain range'.
Digor Ossetic:meʁɜ {мегъæ}2
Digor meʁɜ originates from Proto-Iranian *maiga 'a k. of cloud' [Abaev 1973: 117].
There is a word tˈiːra {tíra}, translated by APL as 'small cloud' ('облачко') [AP 1957: 335]; Novák translates it in a similar way: ˈsmall cloudˈ (ˈobláčekˈ) [Novák 2010: 171]. This is an odd translation, because in the context {in-nur xawó tíra ĭ́kta} "it is cloudy today" {xawó tíra} literally means ˈdark weatherˈ. The same meaning is seen in Tajik havɔːyˈi tirˈa {ҳавои тира}; {тира} is an adjective and normally means ˈdark, cloudy, gloomyˈ [RU 1954: 394].
The word for ˈfogˈ is tumˈan {tŭmán}; it is a borrowing from Tajik tumˈan {туман} ˈfogˈ [RU 1954: 398].
Parachi:ayˈiːr {ayir}1
Efimov 2009: 173; Morgenstierne 1929: 235. Continues Proto-Iranian {*abr-i̯a-} [EDIL 1: 74]. Phonetic variants: aˈiːr {air} [Efimov 2009: 173]. Distinct from comparatively rare (known only from one informant) tam {tam} 'cloud', connected with Avestan {tǝmah-} 'darkness' [Morgenstierne 1929: 294].
Avestan:mayγa- {maēγa-}2
Bartholomae 1904: 1104-1105. Young Avestan: Yasna, Yasht.
Distinct from Young Avestan aβr-a- {aβra-} 'rain cloud' [Bartholomae 1904: 99], Gathic dwaːn-man- {duuąnman-} 'cloud' [Bartholomae 1904: 766] and dun-man- {dun-man} 'mist, fog' [Bartholomae 1904: 749].
Related to Vedic maygʰ-ˈa- {meghá-} 'cloud'; further cognates include Vedic miɦ- {mih-} 'rain / fog, mist', Greek {ὀμίχλη} 'mist, fog' (not so thick as {νέφος} or {νεφέλη}), Armenian {mēg} 'mist, fog / darkness' etc. [EWAia II: 374-375].
NUMBER:15
WORD:cold
Iron Ossetic:wažal {уазал}1
Originates from Proto-Iranian prefix wa- + *zʸal- < Proto-Indo-European *gʸel- 'frost (vel sim.)' [Abaev 1989: 60].
Digor Ossetic:wazal {уазал}1
Yaghnobi:soːrt {sort}2
ALP 1957: 323; Novák 2010: 155. Examples: {dĭ́lĕš sort} "his heart is cold" [AP 1957: 185], {op sort xast} "the water is cold" [Khromov 1972: 34-35].
The word has a secure Iranian etymology: compare Wakhi {sыr}, Tajik sˈard {сард} and Young Avestan {sarǝta} 'cold' [Steblin-Kamensky 1999: 325].
The Tajik loanword χunˈuk {xŭnŭ́k} seems to be applied mostly to weather and is usually encountered as an adverb: {naháranka xunúk oy} 'it was so cold' (MT) [Khromov 1972: 149]; {xunúk-i kar ast} ˈit becomes coldˈ [Khromov 1972: 48]. However, the word sˈoːrt is attested in similar contexts: {ímmay sort ast} means ˈit is so (very) coldˈ [ALP 1957: 324].
Parachi:ešʈˈɒːw {ešṭǻw}3
Efimov 2009: 194; Morgenstierne 1929: 237. Applied to water and weather. Inherited term; connected with Shughni {šeˈtâ} 'cold', Sar. {štu} 'frozen' [Morgenstierne 1929: 237]. Dialectal forms: Shutul ešʈˈɒːwoː {ešṭǻwō}.
Avestan:aw-ta- {aota-}4
Bartholomae 1904: 41. Polysemy: 'cold / frost'. Only of wind in its adjectival meaning. Young Avestan: Yasna
It is impossible to distinguish properly between aw-ta- {aota-} and sar-ta- {sarǝta-}.
Avestan aw-ta- {aota-} is probably related to Proto-Iranian {*au̯ta-} 'breath' [EDIL 1: 271-272].
NUMBER:15
WORD:cold
Iron Ossetic:
Digor Ossetic:
Yaghnobi:
Parachi:
Avestan:sar-ta- {sarǝta-}2
Bartholomae 1904: 1566. Applied to months. Young Avestan: V. 1. 3.
Continues PIE {*ḱel-to-} / {*ḱol-to-} 'cold'; related to Lithuanian {šáltas} 'cold' etc. [Mallory-Adams 1997: 112].
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