Miller 2001: 17, 49, 77. Has a variant xuː before certain suffixes [Miller 2001: 49].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ǝ=xuː1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 17. Glossed as 'his nose'.
Number:62
Word:not
Mojave:=mot-1
Munro et al. 1992: 311; Munro 1976: 65-68. A verbal negative suffix, placed between the verb stem and the tense marker.
Cocopa:lu-...-m1
Crawford 1989: 95; Crawford 1966: 85-86. Negative verbal circumfix. lu-...-m is replaced by l-...-m when not immediately before the CVC root. "Although the notion of negation is otherwise evident without it, a verb with the negative affix is usually followed by the impersonal verb láˑx" [Crawford 1966: 85]. Examples: l=aʔˈi-m lˈaːx 'I didn't do (it)', lu=ʂˈi-m lˈaːx 'I don't drink; I didn't drink (it)' [Crawford 1966: 85].
Yavapai:ʔˈúm-i1
Shaterian 1983: 75, 94, 430, 590. Negative verb 'be not'. Example: ʔpˈaːh ʔspˈóh ʔaʔˈúmi 'I do not know the man' [Shaterian 1983: 122].
Jamul Tiipay:xǝ=mˈaːw1
Miller 2001: 167-169, 299. A negative auxiliary, related to the main verb maːw 'to not do / not be / not happen' [Miller 2001: 302]. "A secondary element may (occasionally recorded as meʼay) sometimes appears at the leftmost boundary of the scope of negation" [Miller 2001: 168]. x= in xǝ=mˈaːw is historically an irrealis suffix -x, attached to the main verb in the negative construction, reanalized as a part of the following auxiliary [Miller 2001: 302].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:u=maːw1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 52. Glossed as 'is not, no'. A negative auxiliary verb.
Number:63
Word:one
Mojave:ʔa=sent-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 32. Glossed as 'be one / be only, alone'. As noted in [Munro 1976: 106], "Mojave numerals are all underlyingly verbs". Cf. also ʔa=sent 'one (number used alone)' (short form: sent) [Munro et al. 1992: 32] and seto 'one (number used mainly for counting)' [Munro et al. 1992: 164].
Cocopa:šit1
Crawford 1989: 298. Polysemy: 'be one / only / alone'. Word class: intransitive verb.
Yavapai:(ʔ)=sˈit-i ~ (ʔ)=sˈiˑt-i1
Shaterian 1983: 447, 592.
Jamul Tiipay:šin1
Miller 2001: 126, 138-139, 312, 349. Polysemy: 'to be one / be alone / do alone'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=xin̪-k1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 2. Glossed as 'is one, alone, single / one (when counting)'. Secondary synonym: ʔuːn̪ 'one' (borrowed from Spanish uno) [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 6].
Number:64
Word:person
Mojave:pi=ʔ=pa ~ pi=ʔi=pa ~ p=iː=pa1
Munro et al. 1992: 154. Polysemy: 'person / human being / someone / anyone'. Short form: pa. Derived from ʔiː=pa 'man / male', q.v.
Cocopa:ča=pˈa-y1
Crawford 1989: 18. Polysemy: 'person / Indian'. Word class: noun. Plural form: ča=pˈaː-y (rarely used). Related to ʔa=pˈa 'man', q.v. Cf. also ʔiː=pˈa-y 'become alive' (3rd person form y=u=pˈa-y) [Crawford 1989: 405].
Yavapai:ʔ=pˈáˑ ~ ʔ=pˈâˑ1
Shaterian 1983: 339, 345, 596. Polysemy: 'person / human / Indian'. Plural form: ʔ=pˈâˑ-č-a. Variant form: ʔ=pˈâː, plural ʔ=pˈâː-č-a (Tolkapaya dialect, informant Warren Gazzam). Related to the verb pˈeˑ 'bear fruit / be born' [Shaterian 1983: 338].
Jamul Tiipay:t̪=iː=pˈa-y1
Miller 2001: 13, 18, 22. Polysemy: 'person / Indian'. Etymologically this is a reduced form of mǝt̪=iː=pˈa-y 'Indian' [Miller 2001: 79].
Munro et al. 1992: 122. Glossed as 'rain (noun)'. Cf. ku=vʔaw- 'rain (verb)'. Related to i=vʔaw-m 'stand up / stand / be standing', q.v.
Cocopa:p=ʔa-y1
Crawford 1989: 228. Word class: noun. Derived from p=ʔaː 'rain' (impersonal intransitive verb) [Crawford 1989: 227] with the suffix -y, frequently used in nominalizations [Crawford 1989: 375]. Related to p=ʔaː 'stand / be standing / stop', q.v.
Yavapai:kˌi=βˈâw-a1
Shaterian 1983: 433, 603. A compound of (ʔ)=kʷˈi 'cloud' and βˈoˑ 'to walk'.
Jamul Tiipay:kʷiː2
Miller 2001: 71. Polysemy: 'cloud / rain'. The word is glossed as 'cloud' on p. 71, but functions as 'rain' in several textual examples, see below. There are two ways to say 'to rain' in Jamul Tiipay: 1) use the verb kʷiː-p 'to mist / rain' [Miller 2001: 22, 137] or 2) use the noun kʷiː with the verb p=ʔaw 'to stand / step / (for rain) to fall' [Miller 2001: 25, 43, 62, 91, 96-97, 109]. Cf. the following examples: 1) kʷiːp ɲa=w=aːr-m puː-č mǝšǝyaːy 'When it's stormy (lit. when it rains a lot), she is frightened' [Miller 2001: 292]; 2) kʷiː pʔaw ɲa=nsuː-km ʔ=aːm-x 'I will leave when the rain stops' [Miller 2001: 49], ...kʷiː pʔaw w=aːr-m '...because it had rained so much' [Miller 2001: 234]; ɲaː ɲa=ʔiːʎ̥ap-čm may kʷiː pʔaw xǝmaːw ɲǝwiː čamʎ̥ sʔaːy 'In the summer, it didn't rain and everithing dried up' [Miller 2001: 234], mǝ=šma ɲa=t̪ǝ=m=wa-čm kʷiː pʔaw 'While you were sleeping, it rained' [Miller 2001: 250].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=kʷiy2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 3. Also functions as a verb: 'it rains'. Related to ʔǝ=kʷiːy 'clouds' [ibid.].
Number:65
Word:rain
Mojave:ku-vʔaw2
Cocopa:
Yavapai:kˌi-βˈâw-a2
Jamul Tiipay:
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:
Number:66
Word:red
Mojave:ʔa=hʷat-m ~ ʔa=hʷaːt-m1
Munro et al. 1992: 20. Polysemy: 'be red / bleed / be rusty'.
Cocopa:xʷat1
Crawford 1989: 373. Glossed as 'be red'. Word class: intransitive verb. Related to ɲ=xʷat 'blood', q.v.
Munro et al. 1992: 207. Glossed as 'be round, circular, spherical'. Plural form: yana=yaːn. Connected by rules of sound symbolism to yala=yaːl-m 'be large, flat, and round' [Munro et al. 1992: 206], yera=yer-m 'be small, flat, and circular (of a dish, for instance) / be cut even all around (of hair) / have one's hair cut off even all around' [Munro et al. 1992: 207], yila=yil-m 'be round (of a bottle neck, for example)' [Munro et al. 1992: 207], and yira=yir-m 'be circular' [Munro et al. 1992: 207]. Cf. also ʔoya=ʔoy-m 'be spherical, round like a ball' [Munro et al. 1992: 42].
Cocopa:ɾ=ʔuɾ2
Crawford 1989: 239. Glossed as 'be spherical and large'. Word class: impersonal intransitive verb. Distributive and subject plural: ɾ=ʔuːɾ. For morphological segmentation cf. č=ɾ=a=ʔˈuɾ 'make spherical' [Crawford 1989: 30]. Connected by rules of sound symbolism to l=ʔul 'be small and spherical (up to about eight inches in diameter)' [Crawford 1989: 98] and ʎ=ɲ=ʔuːʎ 'be very small and spherical' [Crawford 1989: 100].
Yavapai:k=l=ʔˈul-k-i #2
Shaterian 1983: 606. This word is found only in the English-Yavapai section of the dictionary together with its sound-symbolic variant q=r=ʔˈur-q-i. Cf. qč=ʔˈóˑl-i 'round (watermelon)' and qč=ʔˈor-i 'round (marbles)', derived from the same root [Shaterian 1983: 406, 606].
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔǝ=lul2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 3. Polysemy: 'is a round (spherical), small object / ball'. Plural: ʔǝ=luːl-č. Connected by rules of sound symbolism to ʔǝ=ɹuɹ (pl. ʔǝ=ɹuːɹ-č) 'is a round, circular, large object / in a circle' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 5].
Number:69
Word:round (2D)2
Mojave:
Cocopa:ɾ=yaɾ1
Crawford 1989: 238. Glossed as 'be circular, round and flat, or full (as moon)'. Word class: intransitive verb. Variant: ɾ=yal (only in reference to moon). Distributive and subject plural: ɾ=yaːɾ. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to x=yal 'be round and small (as a dinner plate)' [Crawford 1989: 371]. Related to yaɾ ʔi 'rotate, flat roundish objects to move through the air (as chips from a tree being cut)' [Crawford 1989: 378].
Yavapai:
Jamul Tiipay:yǝr=yˈar1
Miller 2001: 16, 76. Glossed as 'to be circular'.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:yaɹǝ=yaɹ #1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 57. Polysemy: 'is circular, round and flat (large object) / goes around'. Connected by rules of sound-symbolism to yarǝ=yar 'is circular, round and flat (small object)' [ibid.]. Alternative candidate: t̪ǝpǝčuːɹ-p 'is round, a circle (e.g., wagon wheel)' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 46].
Number:70
Word:sand
Mojave:ʔamat=saʎʔay ~ saʎʔay1
Munro et al. 1992: 26. Polysemy: 'sand / sandbar'. Literally 'sandy earth', cf. saʎʔay- 'be sandy' [Munro et al. 1992: 160]. For ʔamat, see 'earth'.
Shaterian 1983: 374, 474, 522, 607. Polysemy: 'sand / gravel'. A compound whose first component is probably ʔ=hˈá 'water'.
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:mǝs=xaɹaːy1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 33.
Number:71
Word:say
Mojave:i-m1
Munro et al. 1992: 83. Polysemy: 'say / be going to (do something) / be about to (do something) / want, intend, try to (do something) / call, mean, indicate (someone, something) / do, be, act (used with a preceding word specifying the state or behavior)'. Ablaut form: e-. Plural form: iː-č-. Cf. i=ʔiː-m 'say / be about to (do something) / want, try to (do something) / say about, mean, indicate / do, be in a communicative fashion (when used following another verb, this word may not be translated into English)' (ablaut form: e=ʔe-, plural form: i=ʔiː-č-) [Munro et al. 1992: 83-84] - apparently a variant of the same word. Secondary synonym: ča=ka=na- 'say / announce' [Munro et al. 1992: 58] (related to ku=naː-v-k ~ ka=naː-v-k 'talk, tell' [Munro et al. 1992: 121]).
Cocopa:ʔi1
Crawford 1989: 398. Glossed as 'say, perform a verbal action'. Word class: transitive verb. 3rd person animate form: ʔa (=aːʔˈa with object prefixes, except reflexive). 3rd person inanimate form: ʔu=ʔi.
Yavapai:ʔˈi(ˑ)1
Shaterian 1983: 89, 412, 607. Personal forms: 1 sg. ʔ=ʔˈi, 2 sg. m=ˈi, 3 sg. ʔˈi. Absence of the glottal stop in the 2nd singular form is unexpected.
Munro et al. 1992: 105. Polysemy: 'sit / live / be in / go down, set (of the sun)'. Suppletive plural form: i=ðaw-.
Cocopa:wa1
Crawford 1989: 325. Glossed as 'sit, be in a sitting position'. Word class: intransitive verb. 3rd person form: ʔu=wˈa. Distributive plural: waː. Distinct from p=wa 'sit down, move to a sitting position' [Crawford 1989: 224], ɲaːk ʔi 'sit down, move to a sitting position' [Crawford 1989: 158]. Cf. also ɲiː č=ʔur 'sit down, sit (as in a chair)' [Crawford 1989: 41].
Yavapai:wˈa1
Shaterian 1983: 522, 611. The verb is properly glossed as 'sit, dwell (singular subject)' [Shaterian 1983: 65-66, 121]. Secondary synonyms: tɲˈéˑβ-i 'sit, keep still' [Shaterian 1983: 360, 611] and βɲˈa(ˑ)ɲʔ-i 'sit, sit down' [Shaterian 1983: 439, 498, 611].
Jamul Tiipay:wa #1
Miller 2001: 59, 138. Polysemy: 'to be sitting / be located'. Alternative candidate: nak 'to sit down / stop' [Miller 2001: 90, 93, 97, 285]. The following example shows that nak can be used in a durative sense: 'We are sitting (naːk) here and trying to teach each other things'. Cf. also the verb t̪ǝ=wˈa 'be sitting / be located (squat object) / be located (neutral) / to stay' that may be used as main verb, but functions also as a "locational auxiliary" [Miller 2001: 281].
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:wǝ=n̪ak2
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 54. Glossed as 'sits'. Plural: pǝ=n̪ak. Secondary synonym: ǝ=waː (pl. nʸǝ=way) 'is located, sitting, situated, is there (can be said only of a person, animal, or chunky object)' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 18].
Number:75
Word:skin
Mojave:čaθ=kʷil1
Munro et al. 1992: 61. Polysemy: 'bark / skin / hide'. Cf. also iːmaːt čaθkʷil 'skin / scalp (noun)' (iːmaːt 'body') [Munro et al. 1992: 94]. Related to nuθ=kʷil 'bark (of a tree)' [Munro et al. 1992: 145].
Cocopa:ɲ=kʷ=ʔaɬ1
Crawford 1989: 179. Polysemy: 'skin / hide'. Word class: noun. 3rd person possessive form: ɲ=ɲ=kʷ=a=ʔˈaɬ. Derived from kʷ=ʔaɬ 'leather / hide / rubber' [Crawford 1989: 90] with animate possessive prefix ɲ=.
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 21. Glossed as 'sleeps'. Plural: pǝ=xǝma-č.
Number:77
Word:small
Mojave:i=čʔaw-k1
Munro et al. 1992: 85. Glossed as 'be little, small'. Plural form: i=čʔoː-č-. Cf. also i=šʔaw-m 'be little, be small', related to i=čʔaw-k [Munro et al. 1992: 103], natqoʎ-k 'be small' (plural subject only, song word) [Munro et al. 1992: 144], nišquʎ-k 'be small' (plural subject only) [Munro et al. 1992: 144].
Cocopa:ʔiʎ=čˈaš2
Crawford 1989: 400. Glossed as 'be small'. Word class: intransitive verb. Variant: ʎ=čaš. For morphological segmentation cf. ʎ=a=čˈaš 'one who is small' [Crawford 1989: 98]. Secondary synonym: ɾ=maʂ 'be young or little' [Crawford 1989: 237].
Yavapai:kˈeč3
Shaterian 1983: 383, 580. The word has sound-symbolic variants kˈič, kˈač, qˈač and qˈe(ˑ)č. According to [Shaterian 1983: 158], "/kíči/ is smaller than /qéči/, which in turn is smaller than /qači/".
Jamul Tiipay:ʎǝ=pˈiš4
Miller 2001: 17, 59, 108. Glossed as 'to be small'. Suppletive plural stem: ʎǝ=mˈaš [Miller 2001: 16, 59, 108].
Crawford 1989: 372. Polysemy: 'smoke / steam'. Word class: noun.
Yavapai:ʔˌo=hʷˈay-a1
Shaterian 1983: 425, 476, 613. The first part of this compound is ʔ=ʔˈó 'fire', the second is related to the verb hʷˈá(ˑ)y-i 'purify with smoke' [Shaterian 1983: 475, 600].
Jamul Tiipay:
Not attested.
Mesa Grande 'Iipay:ʔuː=xuy1
Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 6. Related to the verb uː=xuy 'smokes (of a fire)' [Couro & Hutcheson 1973: 50].
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