Mançe et al. 2005: 67; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 134; Mann 1948: 147; Mann 1957: 11. Distinct from tǝrǝ {tërë} 'whole, complete' (totus) ([Mançe et al. 2005: 67]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 342]). Etymological affiliation of the word is highly disputed, but all of the competing versions, listed in [Orel 1998: 136], agree on its Indo-European origins. Orel himself suggests a descent from IE *sem-gʸʰo-, also mentioning the remains of the suffix-less dialectal form ʓi in Dalmatian Albanian.

Mançe et al. 2005: 546; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 143; Mann 1948: 159; Mann 1957: 20. The definite form is hi-ri. In [Orel 1998: 147], traced back to Proto-Albanian *skina based on the Geg nasalized variant hĩ. However, further comparison with Latin cini-s 'dust, ash' is unconvincing because of the necessary assumption of an unsubstantiated "s-mobile" in Albanian. E. Hamp's comparison with Old Indian edhas- 'firewood', mentioned ibid., is semantically plausible but phonetically quite dubious. Thus, no satisfactory Indo-European etymology.

Mançe et al. 2005: 301; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 177; Mann 1948: 209. Transparent borrowing from a Slavic source [Orel 1998: 191]; cf. also the diminutive koɾičkǝ {koriçkë} 'piece of crust (of bread)'. Secondary synonym: lǝvɔɾɛ ~ lǝvɔžgǝ {lëvore ~ lëvozhgë} ([Mançe et al. 2005: 301]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 196]); these dictionaries imply that the word's primary meaning is 'scale, shell', but in [Mann 1957: 28] it is actually mentioned as the primary equivalent for 'bark' as such; unclear.

Mançe et al. 2005: 218; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 42; Mann 1948: 21; Mann 1957: 32. In [Orel 1998: 18], derived from Proto-Albanian *baruka and further from Proto-Indo-European *bʰor-uko- < *bʰer- 'to carry' (i. e. 'belly' < 'burden'). The etymology is unsatisfactory: similar nominal derivates from *bʰer- are unknown in Indo-European languages, and the semantic transition would suggest a complex development: 'to bear (child)' > 'womb' > 'belly'.

Mançe et al. 2005: 46; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 202; Mann 1948: 258; Mann 1957: 34. In [Orel 1998: 18], derived from Proto-Albanian *madza and further from Proto-Indo-European *megʸ(ʰ)-; despite some minor phonetic problems, the etymology is generally uncontroversial and satisfactory.

Mançe et al. 2005: 745; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 377; Mann 1948: 583; Mann 1957: 34. Secondary synonym: špɛnd ~ špɛsǝ {shpend ~ shpesë} ([Mançe et al. 2005: 745]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 332]; [Mann 1948: 490]), mostly in the meaning 'domestic bird', 'fowl'. Etymological connections of this root are highly controversial; Orel [1998: 525] suggests borrowing from an Iranian or some other Oriental source, but the immediate source of provenance would still remain unclear. An Indo-European origin cannot be excluded.

Mançe et al. 2005: 314; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 155; Mann 1948: 174; Mann 1957: 35. As per [Orel 1998: 164], borrowed from Latin capessere ~ capissere 'to seize, to snatch at'. The Latin word, however, does not have the meaning 'to bite', nor are there any indications of such a meaning for the word in vulgar Latin/early Romance. This means that the semantic change 'to seize, snatch' > 'to bite' (provided the etymology is correct) must have taken place already on pure Albanian grounds.

Mançe et al. 2005: 1015; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 376; Mann 1948: 581; Mann 1957: 35. Feminine: zɛzǝ {zezë}. According to [Orel 1998: 524], goes back to Proto-Albanian *džedi < Indo-European *gʷed- 'dirt; bad, disgusting'. This is semantically plausible (if the original meaning is 'dirt, mud') and phonetically superior to most of the alternate suggestions discussed in the etymology.

Mançe et al. 2005: 309; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 129; Mann 1948: 40; Mann 1957: 36. In [Orel 1998: 129], derived from Proto-Albanian *saka and further from Proto-Indo-European *sokʷo- 'juice'. This is the most common etymology for the word, phonetically and semantically plausible.

Mançe et al. 2005: 304; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 169, 178; Mann 1948: 202; Mann 1957: 39. A transparent borrowing from the Slavic diminutive form *kostъka '(little) bone' [Orel 1998: 187] (the same source also notes the rare simple form kɔc {koc}, borrowed from regular Slavic *kostь). The original word ašt {asht} [Orel 1998: 11] is no longer the main equivalent for 'bone' in Standard Albanian, although it is still encountered in some idiomatic expressions and the collective form ɛštǝr {eshtër} 'bones; remains' [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 103].

Mançe et al. 2005: 167; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 134; Mann 1948: 148. No etymology. Secondary synonym: kraharɔr ~ krahruar {kraharor} ([Mançe et al. 2005: 167]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 179]). Distinct from ʓi {gji} 'female breast' ([Mançe et al. 2005: 167]; [Koçi & Skendi 1950: 133]).

Mançe et al. 2005: 218; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 85; Mann 1948: 77; Mann 1957: 46. In [Orel 1998: 68], traced back to Proto-Albanian *dega < Indo-European *dʰegʷʰ- 'to burn'; the etymology is unproblematic and universally accepted.

Mançe et al. 2005: 438; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 353; Mann 1948: 536; Mann 1957: 248. Plural form: θɔɲ {thonj}. The Geg variant is θue {thue} [Orel 1998: 481]. All etymological hypotheses are highly controversial; Orel lists attempts to relate the word to parallels as distant from each other as Greek ὄνυξ, Germanic *xanduz 'hand', and Latin squāma 'fish scale' (!). Orel's own etymology (< Proto-Albanian *atsāna < Indo-European *akʸ- 'sharp') is semantically plausible, but phonetically unexplained except for the regular correspondence "θ : *kʸ".

Mançe et al. 2005: 449; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 300; Mann 1948: 424; Mann 1957: 63. The Geg variant is nasalized: ɾẽ {rê} [Orel 1998: 366]. Derived by Orel from Proto-Albanian *rina, but subsequent etymologies are controversial.

Mançe et al. 2005: 1001; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 117; Mann 1948: 117; Mann 1957: 65. Nominal/adjectival derivative from ftɔh {ftoh} (Geg ftof) 'to cool, to make cold' [ibid.]; derived by Orel [1998: 105] from Proto-Albanian *awa=tāya with the privative/negative prefix *awa-. Existing etymologies, listed by Orel, are mostly in conflict as to whether the verbal root reflects Indo-European *tep- 'warm' (thus = 'to de-warm') or *tā(u̯-) 'to melt' (thus = 'to de-melt', 'to freeze').

Mançe et al. 2005: 705; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 366; Mann 1948: 557; Mann 1957: 66. The Geg variant viɲ {vinj} retains the original nasal consonant; hence Orel's claim that the word is a borrowing from Latin venīre [Orel 1998: 508], which is currently the most phonetically plausible explanation. The suppletive aorist form ɛrða {erdha}, however, goes back to Proto-Albanian *erdza, possibly cognate with Greek ἔρχομαι.

Mann 1948: 95. Suppletive aorist form.

Mançe et al. 2005: 958; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 360; Mann 1948: 547; Mann 1957: 98. Aorist: vdiɕa {vdiqa}. Derived by Orel from Proto-Albanian *awa=takya and further from Proto-Indo-European *tekʷ- 'to flow, run away'. The etymology is controversial; the most common alternative is to relate the stem to Indo-European *dʰeu̯- 'to die', which is semantically more plausible, but phonetically less satisfactory (the phonetic alternation s ~ ɕ is best explainable as traces of an original velar or labiovelar consonant). In any case, v= may be safely interpreted as the remains of a fossilized prefix.

Mançe et al. 2005: 851; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 293; Mann 1948: 413; Mann 1957: 106. Connection to Indo-European *kʸwen- 'dog' is undeniable, but the nature of this connection is in debate. According to [Orel 1998: 356], the word is a relatively late loanword from Balkan continuations of Latin canem, since the regular Tosk reflexation of both Proto-Indo-European *-n- (see 'name') and the same phoneme in early Latin borrowings (see 'woman') is r, thus, a form like *ɕɛr would be expected. On the other hand, this is the only explicit example of such a "late Romance borrowing" in the entire basic lexicon, and it is not clear that all alternate possibilities have been ruled out (such as, e. g., dissimilative preservation of the consonant due to the plural form ɕɛn-ǝr; or a possibility of the word going back to a suffixal variant, e. g. *kʸwen-t-, which helped preserve the nasal in Tosk). Considering the fact that the word does, in the end, go back to the most common Proto-Indo-European etymon for 'dog', and that no other equivalent for this meaning has been attested in the entire history of Albanian, we prefer to side with those researchers (Bopp, Stier, Camarda, Hamp, etc., all listed in [Orel 1998: 356]) who treat the item as a genuine cognate rather than a "re-borrowing".

Mançe et al. 2005: 584; Koçi & Skendi 1950: 275; Mann 1948: 383; Mann 1958: 109. In [Orel 1998: 324], derived from Proto-Albanian *pīya. Uncontroversially related to Proto-Indo-European *pō(i)- ~ *pī- 'to drink'.