Houtzagers 1999: 259. Houtzagers translates this term only as 'language', but we suppose that it means both 'language' and 'tongue', as is usually the case in Slavic languages.
Occurs in examples: {Jag budež u̯hat, toš ťi dám žižu̯avého uhlí na jazik} "If you lie, I will put embers on your tongue" [Malina 1946: 164]; {Má opuchu̯í jazik, nemože aňi hubu rozďávit} "[He or she] has a swollen tongue, [he or she] cannot even open [his or her] mouth" [Malina 1946: 103].
Unfortunately, it does not occur in the text or in the dictionary. The only attestation is {psí jazik} 'plantain' (literary: 'dog's tongue') [Gregor 1975: 262], but it seems that there is no reason to doubt that this word retains its older meaning.
Occurs in examples: {прʼишла дамой – у мʼинʼе и рукʼи, и ноγʼи, и йазык – фсʼо уш у мʼинʼе атʼнʼалосʼ} "I came home and my arms, legs and tongue, all grew numb" [DS 1969: 165]; {вʼитʼ ана йазыком йисʼ} "it eats with its tongue (about a tongue)" [DS 1969: 267].
Some examples are: {Zubi mu strachi klepotali} "His teeth were chattering with fear" [Malina 1946: 43]; {Fšecki zaďňí zubi mám ďuravé} "All my back teeth are full of holes" [Malina 1946: 23].
Skopje Macedonian: dr̩v-o {дрво} with polysemy: 'tree / log' (the two meanings are morphologically discriminated in plural) [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 101].
Kalsbeek 1998: 438. Polysemy: 'wood, lumber / tree'. Other terms, glossed as 'tree' in the dictionary, seem to have a slightly different meaning: dûː {dȗ} 'tree; oak' [Kalsbeek 1998: 440], pîːn {pȋn} 'tree' [Kalsbeek 1998: 519], stabl-ˈo {stablȍ} 'tree, tree trunk' [Kalsbeek 1998: 551].
Houtzagers 1985: 235. Polysemy: 'tree / (piece of) wood'. There are two terms for 'tree': drɛ̂ːv-ɔ {drȇvo} and stabl-ˈɔ {stablȍ}. Unfortunately, there is not enough information to distinguish between them, so we include both terms in the list.
There is also another term, stûːp {stȗp} 'high step (in a flight of stairs) / pole / tree' [Houtzagers 1985: 359].
Vážný 1927: 187. Of Slovak origin. Distinct from drîːv-ɔ {drȋvo} 'wood' [Vážný 1927: 143] (with the meaning shift 'tree' > 'wood' under Slovak influence).
Occurs in examples: {Kůra na stromňe zgléjovaťeu̯a} "Tree bark has been covered by glue" [Malina 1946: 159]; {Stromi uš sú okvetené} "The trees are already out of bloom" [Malina 1946: 73]. Distinct from dr̝ɛv-ɔ {dřevo} 'wood / trunk' [Malina 1946: 23].
Pilisszanto Slovak:strɔm {strom}5
Occurs in examples: {tag som spadel ze stroma} "so I fell off a tree" [Gregor 1975: 243]; {jeden strom som viťal} "I cut down a tree" [Gregor 1975: 286]. Distinct from drɛv-ɔ {drevo} 'wood' [Gregor 1975: 215].
Kucaɫa 1957: 62. Mostly about forest trees. SidG., Fac.: ᶚˈɛv-ɔ {ǯževo}. Distinct from gɒy {gåi̯} 'a tree (not in a forest)' (Więciórka, SidG.) [Kucaɫa 1957: 62].
Does not occur as a separate entry, but is attested in some examples: {dvá cola debéli lẹ́s} "two inches thick wood" [Rajh 2010: 29]; {dvá sta bla hín} "two were dead" [Rajh 2010: 74].
Some examples are: {Biu̯ háreštovaní ale dva mňesíce} "He was arrested for two months" [Malina 1946: 30]; {Kúpiu̯a funt soli a dva funti massa} "She bought a pound of salt and two pounds of meat" [Malina 1946: 27].
Occurs in examples: {Йей два имʼа – исака и рʼазʼика} "It (Carex acutiformis) has two names: "isaka" and "rezika"" [DS 1969: 488]; {Двʼе ночʼи нʼи спала} "I have not slept for two nights" [DS 1969: 461].
Groen 1977: 132, 270. The root variant oy- gradually supplants the more archaic variant od- across the paradigm. Distinct from vr̩v-i 'to go, walk' [Groen 1977: 293].
No word for 'warm' in our main source, but there is a word glossed as 'hot' by Houtzagers: tɛ̌ːpɛl {tẽpel} [Houtzagers 1985: 377]. Probably, {tẽpel} denotes both 'warm' and 'hot', so we include it in the list.
Not attested. In the dictionary, there are only such items as gˈɵr-ak {gó̤rak} 'hot' [Steenwijk 1992: 259] and mlˈač-an {mláčan} 'lukewarm' [Steenwijk 1992: 281].
Not attested by itself, but there is an adverb tɛpw-ɔ {tepu̯o} 'warm' [Malina 1946: 127], so we have no reason not to include the form {teplí} in the list.
Some examples are: {Чʼашку-тъ нʼи атмоиш, ана фсʼа салʼнъйъ, надъ къпʼаток, а тʼоплай вадой нʼи атмоиш} "This cup is hard to wash, it is greasy, it should be washed in boiled water, warm water is not enough" [DS 1969: 593]; {Зʼима нынʼи тʼоплъйа} "The winter is warm this year" [DS 1969: 349]. Distinct from ɣarʸˈačʸ-ay {γарʼачʼай} 'hot / hot-tempered' and aɣnʸ-ˈan-ay {аγнʼанай} ~ aɣnʸ-ˈanː-ay {аγнʼаннай} 'of fire / very hot / having fever / of fire colour / agile in work / intensive' [DS 1969: 361].
Some examples are: {Voda nám vumleu̯a na poli brázdu} "Water hollowed out a furrow on the field" [Malina 1946: 140]; {Voda teče ražno} "Water flows quickly" [Malina 1946: 100].
Occurs in examples: {svaťená voda} 'holy water' [Gregor 1975: 272]; {Jaŋko, hibaj zát tíx jabúček, jako pekňe plávaju po tej voďe} "Janko, go and take some apples which are floating in the water so nicely" [Gregor 1975: 191].
Paradigm: mɪ {mi} [nom.] / naː-s {nás} [gen.] / naː-m {nám} [dat.] / naː-s {nás} [acc.] / na-ma {nama} [ins]. Locative form is not attested. Examples are: {Now we sweeten only with honey} [Malina 1946: 110]; {U nás sa nosíja rukáfce s krátkím stánkem} "We wear rukávce [traditional women's clothes] with short stánek [girdle with the part of chemise sewn in]" [Malina 1946: 114]; {Poť k nám} "Come to us" [Malina 1946: 7]; {nás přestanú nohi bolet} "Our feet will stop hurting" [Malina 1946: 103]; {Poťte s nama} "Come with us" [Malina 1946: 67].
TS 3: 97. Paradigm: mu {му} [nom.] / na-s {нас} [gen.] / na-m {нам} [dat.] / na-s {нас} [acc.] / nˈa-mʸi {намі} [ins.]. The locative form is not attested. Examples: {Захворэла ў нас кобула} "Our mare fell ill" [TS 3: 56]; {Не мешай нам говорыць} "Do not disturb us when we're talking" [TS 3: 79]; {Воны обогналі нас на дорозі} "They overtook us on the road" [TS 3: 231]; {Вон з намі за стол не сядзе} "He will not sit with us at the table" [TS 1: 229].
In fact both pronunciations, mɨ {мы} and mu {му}, are attested in the Turov area [DABM 1963, map 37]; it is also mentioned in the dictionary, but for reasons of uniformity we include in the list only the form with the shift ɨ > u after labials.
Some examples are: {Нохтʼи надатʼ зватʼ, а мы - кохтʼи} "They should be called "nogti", but we call them "kogti"" [DS 1969: 229]; {У нас адна длʼиннъйа, красʼивъйа, а нʼичʼо йей ладʼитʼ} "We have one [woman], tall, beautiful, but nothing becomes her" [DS 1969: 267]; {Он к нам нʼи хадʼил} "He did not visit us" [DS 1969: 148]; {Адʼин рас нас зъхватʼила баба, стъражова жана} "Once a woman, the watchman's wife, caught us" [DS 1969: 195]; {Садʼисʼ с намʼи палуднаватʼ} "Sit down to lunch with us" [DS 1969: 434]; {А работалʼи в лаптʼах: сыра, зʼимой марос, фсʼо на нас зъдубʼела} "We worked in bast shoes, it was damp, in winter it was freezing, all our clothes became stiff" [DS 1969: 181].
Occurs in examples: {Co sa zu̯obíš, šak ťi ňiγdo neblíží} "Why are you so angry? no one hurt you" [Malina 1946: 11]; {Co céňíte ti prasata?} "How much do you ask for these piglets?" [Malina 1946: 14].
Occurs in examples: {Дъ што ты ишʼшʼиш на нʼом?} "What do you expect from him?" [DS 1969: 211]; {Ну, што дʼелътʼ?} "So, what shall I do?" [DS 1969: 216]; {Чʼо йа табʼе сказал?} "What did I say to you?" [DS 1969: 484].
Does not have a separate entry, but occurs in some examples: {ˈɣaːƀǝr jǝ ˈƀiːǝu̯ m pa ˈčǝrn} "hornbeam is of two kinds: white and black" [Čujec Stres 1: 173]; {jǝ ˈƀiːǝu̯ ađ ˈmuokǝ} "he is all white with flour" [Čujec Stres 1: 370].
Some examples are: {Буравыйь γрыбы - анʼи бʼелыйь, толʼкʼъ шлʼапкъ чʼорнъйъ} "Pine forest mushrooms are white, only their cap is black" [DS 1969: 129]; {Вот лʼатаитʼ бʼелъйа – йетъ цыбʼик, пʼичʼушка, ноγʼи долγъи, тонкʼийи, носʼик тонкай} "There flies a lapwing, a small bird, it has long thin legs, a thin little nose" [DS 1969: 591].
Occurs in the examples: {Skoč sa poďívat, γdo to tam babúzňá po dvoře!} "Go see who is there roaming about outside!" [Malina 1946: 8]; {γdo ťi to uďeu̯áu̯?} "who did this to you?" [Malina 1946: 93].
Occurs in examples: {А хто дома?} "Who is at home?" [DS 1969: 62]; {Хто йаво вʼидʼал, съмалʼот?} "Who saw it, that airplane?" [DS 1969: 116]. The form kto {кто}, probably influenced by Standard Russian, is much less frequent.
Houtzagers 1999: 339. The term {žȩ̏na} has polysemy: 'woman / wife'. The term {žȩ̏nska} is the adjective 'female', which can be used as a substantive in the meaning 'woman'.
Gregorič 2014: 537. Distinct from žˈɛːn-a {ˈžeːna} 'wife / woman (usually older)' [Gregorič 2014: 536]. Distinct from bˈaːb-a {ˈbaːba} 'old woman / cowardly man (expressive) / thick bridge footing / support of a wall / pile (of a maize straw or pegs used as bean trellis)' [Gregorič 2014: 40].
Malina 1946: 100. Distinct from žɛn-a {žena} 'wife', cf. {Dibi bíu̯ co zač, necháu̯ bi ženu aj z ďeckama kapad hu̯adi?} "If he was a good person, would he have left his wife and children dying of hunger?" [Malina 1946: 15]. Distinct from bab-a {baba} 'old woman (pejoratively)' [Malina 1946: 8].
Polysemy: 'woman / wife'. Some examples are: {Oňi sa potom pozhovárali, že dobre bi bolo tú ženu zabit a peňáze jej zabrat} "After that they conspired to kill this woman and take her money" [Gregor 1975: 194]; {Mnoho žén sa nám zéjďe} "Many women used to gather there" [Gregor 1975: 197]; {jágrová žena} 'forest ranger's wife' [Gregor 1975: 193].
The most plausible candidate for the list: {Басʼицца – ета лʼачʼицца ходʼутʼ у нас мъжукʼи илʼи женшʼшʼины} "To get under the spell [against illness] is when men and women go to be cured" [DS 1969: 49]; {Брʼиγадʼирка нарʼат дайотʼ и мужукам, и женшʼшʼинам} "Team leader gives orders to both men and women" [DS 1969: 66]. Almost synonymous in this meaning is the term {баба} [DS 1969: 47], cf. {Женшʼшʼинъ дадʼелʼистъйъ, фсʼо знайитʼ, работаитʼ сʼилʼно{U+2026} дадʼелʼистъйъ баба} "She is an able woman, she knows everything, she works hard…An able woman" [DS 1969: 145], but we suppose that it has a slightly lowbrow shade of meaning, as in Standard Russian.
Distinct from ʐan-ˈa {жана} 'wife' [DS 1969: 166].
Steenwijk 1992: 248. Steenwijk glosses it as 'far away', but the examples show that it simply means 'far' (the translations are made by Steenwijk): {stát dalé̤č wod jí̤še} "to live far away from home" [Steenwijk 1992: 167]; {ni stríjajo z kanóni, da to se paráj, da to gré, da to pujdǝ́ na dalé̤č} "they shoot with canons, so that it will come, so that it will go, so that it will go far away" [Steenwijk 1992: 185].
The examples are: {Daleko neutéku̯, brzo ho u̯apli} "He did not flee far away, he was caught" [Malina 1946: 51]; {Daleko široko néňi takového chu̯apíka, jak si ti} "Far and wide there is no such a guy like you" [Malina 1946: 120].
TS 2: 7. The place of stress has changed; originally, the stress was on the flexion. See also map 33 in [DABM 1963] for the place of stress. Distinct from dalʸ-ˈɛzn-ɔ {дале́зно} 'very far' [TS 2: 7].
Some examples are: {Далʼокъ Лʼинʼинγрат, кабы Масква… ана вон прʼамъ нъ задах} "Leningrad is far [from here], but Moscow is just near" [DS 1969: 180]; {Пакос далʼока был, кʼиломʼитраф за дʼисʼатʼ лʼатаиш…} "The meadow was far, we had to go about ten kilometers" [DS 1969: 273].
The form dalʸ-ˈɛčʸ-ɪ {далʼечʼь} [DS 1969: 135], derived from the same root, is much less frequent.
Build tree