The most common form, according to available contexts. It might seem strange that only the forms zʸɛlʸ-ˈɛn-ɨ {зеле́ны} and zʸalʸ-ˈɔn-ɨ {зялёны} are listed in the dictionary entry [TS 2: 150]. Absence of the shift e > o in stressed position in the first form is the reason why we consider it a borrowing, probably from Ukrainian. The second form in its turn reflects "yakanye", which is not typical of the Turov dialect.
Occurs in numerous examples, cf.: {трава зʼилʼонъйъ, а папалъ пат сонышкъ и заγълубʼилъсʼ} "Grass had been green, but it became bluish under sun rays" [DS 1969: 179]; {кузʼнʼаца зʼилʼонава паймала} "(My cat) caught a green grasshopper" [DS 1969: 262].
Groen 1977: 261. Glossed as 'hair', apparently meaning 'hair (collective), head hair'. Distinct from vlak-n-o, glossed as 'hair' in [Groen 1977: 292], apparently meaning 'a single hair'.
Vevchani-Radozhda Macedonian: kos-a 'hair (collective), head hair' [Hendriks 1976: 97, 266]. Distinct from vlak-n-o, glossed as 'hair' in [Hendriks 1976: 298], apparently meaning 'a single hair'.
Skopje Macedonian: kos-a {коса} 'hair (collective), head hair' [Evdokimova 2009; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 226]. Distinct from vlas {влас} with polysemy: 'a single hair / combed wool' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 56], vlak-n-o {косма} 'a single hair / fibre' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 56], kosm-a {косма} 'wool' [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 226].
Kalsbeek 1998: 584. Another term, dlˈak-a {dlȁka}, glossed as 'hair' in the dictionary, does not occur in the texts, but in a different part of the source it is translated as 'body hair' [Kalsbeek 1998: 435], which seems to be a more exact translation of dlˈak-a {dlȁka}.
Rajh 2010: 112-113. Plural form is las-yˈe̞ː {lasˈjẹː}. Distinct from dlˈak-a {dˈlaka} [Rajh 2010: 41] and ko̞sm-ˈin-a {kọsˈmina} [Rajh 2010: 98], both meaning 'body hair'.
Plural form. Some examples are: {Má vu̯asi v jednej gaguli} "She has her hair in a tuft" [Malina 1946: 27]; {Nosiu̯a vu̯asi do vrkoča} "She wore her hair plaited" [Malina 1946: 147].
DS 1969: 86. There are two terms: vʸisk-ˈi {вʼискʼи} and vˈoɫas-ɨ {воласы} ~ vˈɔɫǝs-ɨ {волъсы} ~ vǝɫas-ˈa {въласа}. As the following context shows us, the first term replaced the second in the meaning 'hair', but then vˈɔɫas-ɨ {воласы} ~ vˈɔɫǝs-ɨ {волъсы} ~ vǝɫas-ˈa {въласа} was probably reintroduced from the literary language: {Ранʼшъ былʼи вʼискʼи: - Што ръскудʼелʼилъ вʼискʼи! А шʼшʼас: Пъдбʼирʼитʼа въласа} "Earlier there was "viski": "Why did you tousle your hair (viski)!" And now: "Tuck your hair (volosa)"" [DS 1969: 86]. Both terms are relatively frequent, so we include them in the list, marking the second one as borrowing.
Some further examples for vʸisk-ˈi {вʼискʼи} are: {Бʼелыйь вʼискʼи-тъ, как снʼиγавыйъ лʼажатʼ} "White hair is of snow colour (about dead man's hair)" [DS 1969: 457]; {Вада мʼахкъйъ, вʼискʼи мʼахкʼийъ, ф калоццъ вада γрубъйъ, вʼискʼи нʼь рашʼшʼешыш} "If water is soft, hair is soft too, but if water in a well is hard, it is difficult to comb hair" [DS 1969: 128].
Some examples are: {Въласа дъ калʼен} "Hair down to one's knees" [DS 1969: 133]; {Мой дʼет жыл сто γадоф, воласы былʼи долγаи, курчʼи} "My husband lived for a hundred years, he had long hair, with curls" [DS 1969: 263].
Steenwijk 1992: 257. Distinct from krˈep-a {krépa} 'head (pejorative)' [Steenwijk 1992: 271]. The term kɔgˈoč-a {kogóča} 'pumpkin' can be used as a pejorative designation of the head as well [Steenwijk 1992: 268].
Kucaɫa 1957: 165. SidG., Fac.: gˈwɔv-a {gu̯ova} [Kucaɫa 1957: 165]. Polysemy: 'head / wheel hub' [Kucaɫa 1957: 97]. The form wɛp {u̯ep} probably has a pejorative shade, as in Standard Polish, cf. {gu̯ova; to ta u gåvedńika u̯ep} "head, that of a vermin [like a weasel] is called u̯ep" (Fac.) [Kucaɫa 1957: 165].
DS 1969: 118. Polysemy: 'head / (mushroom) cap / the highest sheaf in a sheaf pile'. Distinct from baʂk-ˈa {башка} 'head' [DS 1969: 50], which probably has a pejorative shade of meaning.
Gregorič 2014: 65. First person sg. form is čˈüːy-ɛn {ˈčüːjen}. Polysemy: 'to hear / to obey'. Distinct from slˈiːš-e̝-t {sˈliːšėt} 'to belong' [Gregorič 2014: 407] and from po̝=slˈüːš-a-t {pȯsˈlüːšat} 'to listen / to overhear / to obey' [Gregorič 2014: 313].
TS 5: 303-304. The term {слышаць} is not attested. Distinct from sɫˈux-a-cʸ {слу́хаць} 'to listen' [TS 5: 58].
Deulino Russian:sɫˈɨʂ-a-tʸ {слы́шатʼ}3
Occurs in examples, cf.: {Вот уж на етъ ухъ лʼаγу, тада стучʼи, бунʼи йа нʼичʼаво нʼа слышу} "When I lie on this ear, you can knock [at the door], but I will hear nothing" [DS 1969: 69]; {Йа слышала вʼиск, сʼвʼинʼйа вʼишʼшʼела} "I heard a squeal, a pig was squealing" [DS 1969: 86]. The term čʸuy-a-tʸ {чʼуйатʼ} 'to feel / to catch the smell' can be sometimes used in the meaning 'to hear' as well [DS 1969: 601-602].
Distinct from sɫˈux-ǝ-tʸ {слухътʼ} 'to listen / to obey' [DS 1969: 525] and from sɫˈuʂ-ǝ-tʸ {слушътʼ} 'to listen' ({Йесʼтʼ чʼилавʼек γалдлʼивай, балтайитʼ, а йийо нʼихто нʼь слушайитʼ} "There is a talkative woman here, she chatters, but nobody listens to her" [DS 1969: 106]).
TS 4: 290-291. Polysemy: 'horn / narrow end of field, meadow or village / corner of a building / corner of a roof or haystack / corner of a sack / pitchfork nozzle / awn / shepherd's horn / ergot'.
Paradigm: yaː {já} [nom.] / mɲ-ɛ {mňe} ~ ɲ-ɛ {ňe} [gen.] / mɲ-ɛ {mňe} ~ ɲ-ɛ {ňe} [dat.] / mɲ-ɛ {mňe} ~ ɲ-ɛ {ňe} [acc.] / mn-uː {mnú} [ins]. Examples are: {já to nepotřebuju, abi siz ze mňe ďeu̯au̯a bu̯ázni} "I do not need you to make fun of me" [Malina 1946: 11]; {jag ňe nedáš kopu vajec, viženu ťi muža na pec'} "if you do not give me 60 eggs, I will put your husband on the stove" (from an Easter rhyme) [Malina 1946: 135]; {jet toho na mňe trochu moc} "I have had enough of it" [Malina 1946: 41]; {vzáu̯ sa tu přede mnú najednú velikí pes} "a big dog suddenly appeared in front of me" [Malina 1946: 147].
TS 5: 358. Paradigm: ya {я} [nom.] / mʸɛnʸ-ˈɛ {мене} [gen]. / mnʸ-e {мне} [dat.] / mʸɛnʸ-ˈɛ {мене} [acc.] / mn-ˈɔyu {мною} ~ mn-ˈɔy {мной} [ins.] / mnʸ-e {мне} [loc.]. Examples are: {Не стой коло мене, не гледзі на мене} "Don't stand near me, don't look at me" [TS 1: 202]; {Баценько, дай мне на чо́боты гро́шэй} "Daddy, give me money to buy shoes" [TS 1: 45]; {Вон бежыць поза́ду зо мною} "He’s running after me" [TS 4: 120]; {Там доярка дзеўка бегла зо мной поруч} "A milker ran beside me" [TS 4: 186]; {Усе бачаць, шо на мне, а не бачаць, шо во мне} "All of them can see what is on me, but they cannot see what is inside of me" [TS 1: 45].
Some examples are: {Анʼи лʼажатʼ, и йа лʼажу, анʼи зъвʼишʼшʼатʼ, йа фстайу} "They (piglets) lie, and I lie too, they start to squeal and I get up" [DS 1969: 176]; {Мам, у мʼинʼа мʼаса фсʼа даходʼитʼ} "Mom, I'm running out of meat" [DS 1969: 151]; {прʼишла дамой – у мʼинʼе и рукʼи, и ноγʼи, и йазык – фсʼо уш у мʼинʼе атʼнʼалосʼ} "I came home and my arms, legs and tongue, all grew numb" [DS 1969: 165]; {У мʼанʼа γлʼадʼи-ка какой сʼинʼак, фчʼара дохнуласʼ} "Look, such a bruise I have, I fell down yesterday" [DS 1969: 151]; {У нʼао свайа усадʼба, у йетъвъ вот у сасʼеда, а у мʼнʼе свайа усадʼба} "She has her strip of earth, my neighbour has his own, and I have mine" [DS 1969: 578]; {Дʼевка, ты мнʼе нʼа чʼиста вымыла рубаху-то, зала, там пʼирʼаисʼтʼ} "Girl, you have washed my shirt badly, ashes will eat it away" [DS 1969: 102]; {Рашшыблʼи ноγу-та мʼинʼе} "They hurt my leg" [DS 1969: 48]; {ты мʼинʼа уγадала алʼ нʼет?} "Did you recognize me?" [DS 1969: 46]; {Уш болнъ анʼи мʼинʼе растроивайутʼ} "They upset me so much" [DS 1969: 62]; {Пусʼтʼ анʼи мʼанʼа руγайутʼ, а мнʼе их жалка…} "Though they outrage me, I pity them" [DS 1969: 165]; {Жывʼотʼ вот сын са мной, а патом женʼицца} "My son lives with me, but later he will marry" [DS 1969: 398]; {ва мнʼе адʼин пакор, йа γлухой} "I have one defect: I am deaf" [DS 1969: 429].
Hendriks 1976: 296. This is actually a form from the Vevchani-Radozhda dialect, since Dihovo expressions for 'to kill' are not documented in [Groen 1977]. Initial u= is the resultative prefix.
Kalsbeek 1998: 418. Imperfective form is u=biːy-ˈa-t {ubījȁt}. Another possible candidate is kla-t {klȁt}, glossed as 'kill, slaughter' in the dictionary [Kalsbeek 1998: 466]. However, kla-t {klȁt} does not occur in the texts, while u=bˈi-t {ubȉt} is very frequent.
Houtzagers 1999: 230. Distinct from {umȍrit} ~ {zmorȉt}, which Houtzagers translates as 'kill, liquidate' [Houtzagers 1999: 279]. Unfortunately, there are no contexts for these forms, so we cannot verify this translation, but we can suppose that it rather means 'to murder', as in literary Serbo-Croatian and Slovene.
Čujec Stres 1: 367. For the non-reflexive form the dictionary entry only lists the meaning 'to brake', but examples clearly demonstrate that it means 'to kill' as well: {jǝ uˈƀiwau̯ ˈkaːča, ǝnˈkumi jǝ jǝ uˈƀu} "he had been trying to kill a snake and killed it in the end" [Čujec Stres 2: 367]; {s pišˈtola jǝ uˈƀu kˈraːwa} "he killed a cow with a pistol" [Čujec Stres 2: 37].
Steenwijk 1992: 241. There are two terms for 'to kill': {wbǝ́t} glossed as 'to slaughter, to kill' [Steenwijk 1992: 241] and {ćofojɐt} glossed as 'to strangle; to kill' [Steenwijk 1992: 248]. Both can be used when speaking of animals: {Đó̤, mísu, ći somo̤ ćofojáli káko kó̤kuš libo̤j kákaga pitilí̤na, jzdé̤ ni so dǝ́ržali dú kákaga prásca. Jté, ki fǝ́s té̤l, an wbǝ́l kákaga kuzlí̤ća, ma ta-w močelerí̤jo} "[Did you eat meat?] Yes, meat, if we killed some chickens or some roosters [we had meat], [and] here they kept a pig. [Pig.] Those, who really wanted [meat], killed some goats" [Steenwijk 1992: 223]. Both can be also applied to people: {jtó̤, ki ćofojáwa jṳ́di} "that which kills people" [Steenwijk 1992: 123] and {ja ni grén se wbǝ́t} "I am not going to kill myself" [Steenwijk 1992: 197]. We include both terms as synonyms.
Some examples are: {Oňi sa potom pozhovárali, že dobre bi bolo tú ženu zabit a peňáze jej zabrat} "After that they conspired to kill this woman and take her money" [Gregor 1975: 194]; {a teho xlapca mam a tato sa zhovárali, že bolo bi ho dobre zabit to starého báčiho} "And this boy's mom and dad conspired to kill the old uncle" [Gregor 1975: 190-191]. The imperfective form za=biːy-a-t {zabíjat} can be used without an object in the meaning 'to slaughter a pig' [Gregor 1975: 287].
TS 2: 80; TS 5: 172-173. In the meaning 'to kill' the same root is used with different prefixes. The first form has the following polysemy: 'to kill / to mutilate / to wedge / to board up / to find a person during hide-and-seek' [TS 2: 80]. The second form's polysemy is: 'to kill / to trample down / to stick' [TS 5: 172-173].
Distinct from u=kˈɔx-a-cʸ {уко́хаць} [TS 5: 191] and u=xɔrm-ˈic̢-ɨ-cʸ {ухормі́чыць} [TS 5: 221], which have expressive shades, and from u=ɫˈaʒʸ-i-cʸ {ула́дзіць}, which is a euphemism [TS 5: 193-194].
Steenwijk 1992: 248. Corresponds to the Standard Slovene {čofotati} 'to beat on the water' with the expressive shift p > f [Snoj 2016: 119].
Gailtal Slovenian:mǝdr-àː {mǝdrá}-1
Pronk 2009: 235. Third person sg. Of German origin. The second candidate for 'to kill'. Since we have no contexts which allow to differentiate between {bwíti} and {mǝdrá}, we include both terms in the list.
Does not have a separate entry, but occurs in some examples: {pađˈƀiezǝnca jǝ ˈƀu traːk pađ kaˈliːǝnam za kalˈcietǝ đa kaˈliːǝn} "gater is a band under a knee for stocking" [Čujec Stres 2: 67]; {kǝr jǝ ˈsieđla, jǝ pakaˈzːala kaˈliːǝna} "when she sat down, she showed her knees" [Čujec Stres 2: 80].
Some examples are: {uder Frantu pot koleno} "kick Franta under the knee" [Malina 1946: 7]; {Je tustí, jak švedz na koleňe} "He is as fat as a tailor's knee" [Malina 1946: 130].
Occurs in examples, cf.: {Йа ат калʼенкʼи прʼама крʼичʼу} "I really cry from [pain in my] knee" [DS 1969: 228]; {Фсʼе калʼенкʼи пъмарозʼила} "I've got both knees frostbitten" [DS 1969: 223]. The old form kalʸˈɛn-a {калʼена} remains in combinations with prepositions ({дъ калʼен}, {ф калʼена}, {пъ калʼена}) as a measure of height, cf. {Въласа дъ калʼен} "Hair down to one's knees" [DS 1969: 133].
Gregorič 2014: 482. First person sg. form is ve̝ː-n {ˈvėːn}. Distinct from pˈɔː=zna-t {ˈpoːznat} 'to know (a person) / to be acquainted' [Gregorič 2014: 323].
Occurs in examples: {Na mú dušu hříšnú sem o tom nevjeďéu̯} "I swear on my sinful soul, I did not know this" [Malina 1946: 24]; {Vím to enom z dosu̯echu} "I know it only by hearsay" [Malina 1946: 21].
Distinct from zna-t {znat} 'to know (a person) / to be acquainted / to be able' [Malina 1946: 161].
Kucaɫa 1957: 209. The transcription is not provided by Kucaɫa; he wrote this term down only in the Standard orthography: {wiedzieć}, but for the sake of uniformity we write it in Kucaɫa's transcription as well. SidG., Fac.: {wiedzieć} [Kucaɫa 1957: 209]. Distinct from zna-ɕ {znać) 'to know (a person) / to be acquainted / to be able' [Kucaɫa 1957: 209].
TS 1: 108. Both basic Proto-Slavic terms for 'to know' are reflected in the Turov dialect as vʸˈed-a-cʸ {ве́даць} [TS 1: 108] and zna-cʸ {знаць} [TS 2: 160]. According to the inherited distribution preserved in the West Slavic languages, *znati is used with the accusative case (except for some words, such as 'all', 'this', 'many', 'something', 'nothing'), *věděti is used for all other cases. In the Turov dialect this distribution has changed in favour of zna-cʸ {знаць}, which can be used when it is not in the accusative case: {Балдэшка стара́, памеці нема, не знаеш, шо гэто!} "Old blockhead, you have a poor memory, you don't know what it is" [TS 1: 40]; {Коліся чоловек знаў, шчо говораць куры, пташкі} "Man used to understand what hens and birds were talking about" [TS 1: 208]. However, it can also work in the opposite direction: {Ну, ведаеце ву копіцель?} "So, do you know harvester-stacker?" [TS 1: 254]. Quite a typical context is the following: {Не ведаю і не знаю, як гэто ў іх получылоса} "I don't know how they managed to do it" [TS 1: 108], in which both verbs are used as synonyms. In this situation we think that the most plausible decision is to include both terms in the list.
DS 1969: 200. Polysemy: 'to know / to be conscious of / to have an idea about / to be able to / to occupy oneself with / to practice sorcery / to feel / it is noticeable (when used in the infinitive)'. The term {вʼедатʼ} is not attested.
Houtzagers 1999: 271. Collective form. Unfortunately, only the collective form is attested; however, we have no reason to doubt that the singulative is derived from the same root.
Čujec Stres 2: 23. Polysemy: 'feather / pen / leaf'. The respective collective nouns are lˈiːst-y-ǝ {ˈliːstjǝ} 'leaves' [Čujec Stres 1: 319] and pˈyɛr-y-ǝ {ˈpierjǝ} 'feathers / leaves' [Čujec Stres 2: 23]. The term liːst {ˈliːst} means 'document / sheet of paper (seldom)' [Čujec Stres 1: 318].
Resian Slovenian:vˈiy-ǝ {víje̤}3
Steenwijk 1992: 324. There are two possible candidates: par-ˈɵ {paró̤} ~ pˈir-u {píru} glossed by Steenwijk as 'big leaf' [Steenwijk 1992: 291] and {víje̤} glossed as '(little) leaf' [Steenwijk 1992: 324]. The first term occurs in the texts only once ({dví pirǝ́ bérǯe} 'two leaves of savoy cabbage' [Steenwijk 1992: 163]), while the second one is not attested in the texts. However, according to the Common Slavic Linguistic Atlas, in Stolvizza, which is located about 6,5 km away from San Giorgio, the word denoting 'leaves' (collective) is {ˈvijǝ} [OLA, lex. 3, map 367]. Taking this fact into account, we have decided to include {víje̤} in the list.
Distinct from lˈɪst-y-ǝ {lí̤stje̤} 'dry leaves' [Steenwijk 1992: 277].
Pronk 2009: 232. According to Pronk, in the singular the form {plátl} is used more frequently. It should probably be interpreted as a recent phase of replacement of the older word with a borrowing, but since we have no sufficient dating information about the chronology of this replacement, we include both terms in the list.
Malina glosses it as "uschlé spadalé listí" ("dry dead leaves"), but there is an example showing that it designates green leaves as well: {Nau̯úpali zme zeleného listu a fčil idem dóm} "We tore green leaves and now we are going home" [Malina 1946: 63].
Glossed only as 'letter' in the dictionary [Gregor 1975: 240], but examples and texts show that it also means 'leaf': {špenótové listi} 'spinach leaves' [Gregor 1975: 275]; {Kapusta mosí sa opucovat z ňečistíx listof} "Cabbage should be peeled from dirty leaves" [Gregor 1975: 197].
Some examples are: {Ис-пат корʼнʼа расʼтот былачʼка, а на нʼих лʼист} "From under the root grows a blade of grass, on which there is a leaf" [DS 1969: 71]; {мъкрʼада-та вон какайъ, нʼа дʼержытʼ лʼист} "The weather is damp, [trees] do not hold leaves" [DS 1969: 294].
Not attested in the dictionary, but occurs in the text: {Pȃk vìdi, da prìnc lèži mtāv} "Then she sees that the prince is lying dead" [Vážný 1927: 105]. Distinct from lɛȶ-si {lèť si} 'to lie down' [Vážný 1927: 161].
Some examples are: {Na hodi sa každí nacúchá, že nemože aňi seďet, aňi ležat} "At the parish fair everyone eats and drinks their fill, and then cannot sit or lie" [Malina 1946: 42]; {Pez ležáu̯ stočení f chumíči} "The lying dog rolled into a ball" [Malina 1946: 38]. Distinct from lɛɦ-nuː-t ~ lɛɦ-nuː-t-sɪ {lehnút (si)} 'to lie down' [Malina 1946: 52].
Occurs in examples: {leží na diváňi} "[he or she] lies on the sofa" [Gregor 1975: 214]; {tam leží, je velice naťáhnutí} "there he lies, he is very drunk" [Gregor 1975: 277]. Distinct from lɛɦ-nu-t-si {lehnut si} 'to lie down' [Gregor 1975: 240].
Occurs in examples, cf.: {Анʼи лʼажатʼ, и йа лʼажу, анʼи зъвʼишʼшʼатʼ, йа фстайу} "They (piglets) lie, and I lie too, they start to squeal and I get up" [DS 1969: 176]; {То врʼемʼам нʼичʼаво, а то ръзбалʼиццъ… йесʼлʼи йа нʼи сʼтʼану γолъву, то нʼи маγу нʼи сʼидʼетʼ, нʼи лʼажатʼ} "Sometimes it is all right, but sometimes it starts hurting... if I do not tighten my head, I cannot sit or lie" [DS 1969: 96]. Distinct from lʸa-čʸ {лʼачʼ} 'to lie down' [DS 1969: 286].
Build tree