Does not occur as a separate entry, but is attested in examples: {nìč ne čǜjen} "I don't hear anything" [Rajh 2010: 38]; {mašína ne dèla} "the machine doesn't work" [Rajh 2010: 40].
Occurs in examples: {To je ostatňí ču̯ovjek, kerí sa o ďecka nestará} "It is the worst man, who does not care about his children" [Malina 1946: 76]; {Má opuchu̯í jazik, nemože aňi hubu rozďávit} "[He or she] has a swollen tongue, [he or she] cannot even open [his or her] mouth" [Malina 1946: 103].
Occurs in examples, cf. {мъкрʼада-та вон какайъ, нʼа дʼержытʼ лʼист} "There is damp weather, [trees] do not hold leaves" [DS 1969: 294]; {Дʼевка, ты мнʼе нʼа чʼиста вымыла рубаху-то, зала, там пʼирʼаисʼтʼ} "Girl, you have washed my shirt badly, ashes will eat it away" [DS 1969: 102].
Used in the prohibitive function as well: {Нʼи хадʼи късмаком, а то в ушы надуитʼ} "Do not walk bareheaded, or you will get inflammation of the ear" [DS 1969: 243].
Kalsbeek 1998: 429. A less common form is c̢ovˈik {čovȉk}. The form šlovˈek {šlovȅk} is obsolescent [Kalsbeek 1998: 429]. The dictionary also contains the form peršwôn-i {peršuȏni} (G. sg.) 'person' of Romance origin [Kalsbeek 1998: 516], which does not occur elsewhere.
Plural form is ʎûːd-i {ljȗdi} [Kalsbeek 1998: 484].
Steenwijk 1992: 316. Plural form: yˈʊd-i {jṳ́di} [Steenwijk 1992: 265]. According to the dictionary, a singulative, derived from the latter form: yˈʊd-u {jṳ́du}, can be used in the meaning 'person' [Steenwijk 1992: 265], but there are no contexts which could confirm it.
Some examples are: {To je ostatňí ču̯ovjek, kerí sa o ďecka nestará} "It is the worst man, who does not care about his children" [Malina 1946: 76]; {Náš pán rechtor <…> bili hodní ču̯ovjek} "Our school manager <…> was a kind man" [Malina 1946: 100].
Plural form is lud-ɛː {ludé}: {Ludé hoďňe mřú na lunzocht} "A lot of people die of tuberculosis" [Malina 1946: 54].
Kucaɫa 1957: 162. SidG., Fac.: cˈɔvʸɛk {covek}. A less frequent form is cwɛk {cu̯ek} (often used jokingly). Plural form is lˈuʓ-ɛ {luʒ́e} ~ lˈuʓ-ˈisk-a {luʒ́iska} [Kucaɫa 1957: 162].
The plural form is lʸˈudʸ-i {лʼудʼи}: {Иной рас сълавʼей пайот – скажыш чʼилавʼек γутарʼитʼ} "Sometimes when a nightingale is singing, you might think it's a person speaking" [DS 1969: 133]; {Са взγлʼадʼа чʼилавʼека узнаиш, какой харошай, какой плахой… Фсʼе лʼудʼи разнаи} "At first sight you can understand if a person is good or bad… All people are different" [DS 1969: 82]; {Мноγъ лʼудʼей помʼарлъ нъ майих γадах} "I saw a lot of people die" [DS 1969: 117].
Jurišić 1973: 42. There is also a separate term kîš-a {kȉša} 'rain' [Jurišić 1973: 89], probably introduced under the influence of the Standard language.
Devinska Nova Ves Chakavian:gwd-in-a {gu̯òdina}2
Vážný 1927: 149. Described by Vážný as 'velký dešť, bouře' ('big rain, storm'). However, there is no other word for rain and the expression {vèlika gu̯òdina} is used for the designation of heavy rain, which makes us conclude that most probably {gu̯òdina} is the basic term for 'rain'.
Occurs in examples: {Déšč sa zakrádáu̯, ale přeca nepšau̯o} "Rain was coming, but it was not raining" [Malina 1946: 151]; {Diš je na nebi zápala, přinde déšč' lebo vjetr} "When the sky is red, there will be rain or it will be windy" [Malina 1946: 152]. Distinct from pr̩ːš-k-a {pŕška} 'little rain' [Malina 1946: 95].
DS 1969: 145. The form dɔʂtʸ {доштʼ}, of Standard Russian origin, is attested as well: {Фпʼирʼот вʼетʼир был, ураγан, а патом доштʼ} "First there was wind, a hurricane, then it rained" [DS 1969: 96].
Some examples are: {Je červení jak kokeš} "He is red as a rooster" [Malina 1946: 44]; {Jak sem mu jednu ulízu̯, hneď mu červená viskočiu̯a} "Just as I punched him, the blood flowed" [Malina 1946: 132].
TS 2: 234. Polysemy: 'red / beautiful'. We did not find any difference between the inherited term krˈas-n-ɨ {кра́сны} and the Polonism c̢ˈɨrv-ɔn-ɨ ~ c̢ɨrv-ˈɔn-ɨ {чы́рво́ны}, so we include both terms in the list.
DS 1969: 249. Polysemy: 'red / too bright (colour) / sunny (day) / beautiful (rare)'. Cited in the dictionary entry as {красный}, but in the examples it occurs in a more natural form {краснай}.
Hill 1991: 214. Polysemy: 'road, way / journey'. Apart from this term, there is also an old borrowing from Greek: {drum} 'road' [Hill 1991: 183], also present in Bulgarian, Serbo-Croatian and Romanian. Unfortunately, absence of contexts does not allow us to differentiate between these terms, so we include both of them in the list.
A third probable candidate is a younger Turkic loanword ǯˈad-ɛ {ǯade}, also glossed as 'road' [Hill 1991: 184]. But since {cadde} means 'avenue, street' in the Turkic, its Macedonian counterpart probably preserves this meaning. Cf. the situation in a Bulgarian dialect [BER 1: 353].
Orbanici Chakavian:čˈɛst-a {čȅsta}2
Kalsbeek 1998: 428. Distinct from pwǒt {puõt} 'road, way, path (narrower than čȅsta; lined by low walls (zidići)' [Kalsbeek 1998: 526]. Distinct from švǎːlt {švãlt} 'paved road, asphalt road' [Kalsbeek 1998: 565].
Jurišić 1973: 176. Polysemy: 'road / time (used with numbers and express multiplication) / towards'. There is also a less frequent term cɛ̂st-a {cȅsta} [Jurišić 1973: 33], probably introduced under the influence of the Standard language.
Uhlik 2016. This is the term with the broadest meaning. Distinct from cˈeːst-a {cesta}, usually restricted to asphalted roads [Uhlik 2016].
Standard Slovene: {cesta}, {pot} [Pretnar 1964: 162].
Kostel Slovenian:po̞ːt {ˈpọːt}1
Gregorič 2014: 317. Polysemy: 'road / time (used with numbers and express multiplication)'. The term cˈe̝ːst-a {ˈcėːsta} designates a broader road made in accordance with a plan [Gregorič 2014: 57].
Čujec Stres 2: 122. Distinct from cˈiːǝst-a {ˈciːǝsta} 'wide road' [Čujec Stres 1: 102-103]. The difference probably corresponds to the one in Standard Slovene.
Steenwijk 1992: 296. There are two terms glossed as 'road' by Steenwijk: cˈǝst-ɔ {cé̤sto} [Steenwijk 1992: 245] and pot {pót} [Steenwijk 1992: 296]. The first term occurs only twice in the dictionary, once as a synonym of {pót}: {Ví̤din, da ni téžajo noga bɐbaca jɐ dólu po cé̤sti, né̤?} "I see that they are pulliing a straw puppet (made for Carnival) down the road, aren't they?" [Steenwijk 1992: 191]; {Ko somo̤ vilé̤zli tu-w Domárja wṳ́n na pót ta-na cé̤sto, ki je̤ bila sa jí̤ša, na bila ta-pod pótjo} "when we went out on the pót, on the cé̤sto into Amaro, where there was a house, it was down the road" [Steenwijk 1992: 193]. In the 2005 dictionary Steenwijk glosses {cé̤sto} as 'striscia di terreno pavimentato' [Steenwijk 2005: 22] and {pót} as 'strada (via di comunicazione); strada (percorso per andare da un luogo a un altro); maniera, modo' [Steenwijk 2005: 107]. This seems to correspond to the difference in the Standard Slovene, so we include only {pót} in the list.
Occurs in examples: {Tá cesta ide hodňe do čupka} "This road goes uphill" [Malina 1946: 18]; {cesta v Ďíu̯ovém poli je ceu̯á rozbrambořená, koňe bi tam utunúli} "The road in the Ďíu̯ovo pole is all slush, horses would drown there" [Malina 1946: 103].
Pilisszanto Slovak:cɛst-a {cesta}2
Occurs in examples: "The council president ordered to repair the road within four years" [Gregor 1975: 196]; {na kraj cesti postáli a ďíváli sa} "they were standing at the edge of the road and watching" [Gregor 1975: 214]. Distinct from draɦ-a {draha} 'mountain road, mountain path' [Gregor 1975: 215].
Houtzagers 1985: 275. There are also such terms as žˈic-a {žȉca} 'string, cord / root / vein, nerve' and žˈil-a {žȉla} 'root / vein' [Houtzagers 1985: 405], but since they do not occur in the texts, we cannot specify the difference between them and {kõren}.
The example is: {virúbňi ten kořeň} "cut out this root" [Malina 1946: 142].
Pilisszanto Slovak:
Not attested. Probably should be {koreň}, because there is a derivative kɔrɛɲ-iː {koreňí} 'spice' [Gregor 1975: 235], but this is only a supposition.
TS 2: 222. Polysemy: 'root (of a tree, tooth or a fungus) / seedling'. Distinct from bur-ˈak {бура́к} 'beet / main root of a tree' [TS 1: 94] and ɫˈap-a {ла́па} 'paw / lateral root of a tree' [TS 3: 11].
Hendriks 1976: 292. Apparently with polysemy 'round 3D / round 2D'. This is actually a form from the Vevchani-Radozhda dialect, since no Dihovo expressions for 'round' are quoted in [Groen 1977]. Derived from a noun, documented as Dihovo & Literary Macedonian tr̩kalo 'wheel, circle' [Groen 1977: 287; Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 501].
Skopje Macedonian: kruž-en {кружен} and za=obl-en {заоблен} are quoted in [Evdokimova 2009] as synonyms, both with polysemy: 'round 3D / round 2D'. The latter is the passive participle from the verb za=obl-i 'to make round'. For the literary language, several terms with the meaning 'round' are documented: trkal-est, trkal-ez-en {тркалест, тркалезен} [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 501], krug-ol, kruž-en {кругол, кружен} [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 233], za=obl-en {заоблен} [Tolovski & Illich-Svitych 1963: 137].
Kalsbeek 1998: 509. There is no inherited term for 'round'. Instead, we find two borrowings: o=krǔːg-al {okrũgal} (the masculine form is not attested, but based on analogy with byêl {biȇl} 'white' we think that it ends in -l) from Standard Croatian {okrugao} and twǒnt {tuõnt}, of Romance origin. One would think that the context {"tuõndo" rečȅmo onȅmu, ča je "okruglo"} "what is round we call tuõndo" [Kalsbeek 1998: 171] should mean that twǒnt {tuõnt} is a more common term; however, in texts o=krǔːg-al {okrũgal} occurs 4 times, while twǒnt {tuõnt} occurs only 3 times. Under these circumstances we have to include both terms in the list.
Steenwijk 1992: 268. There are two terms for 'round' in the dictionary: indigenous {kogolé̤jast} and a Romanism {rotɔ́nt}. The first one does not occur in the texts at all, and {rotɔ́nt} occurs only once, so, as in the previous case, we include both words in the list.
Not attested in the dictionary, but according to the OLA map, the territory of Czech republic is almost exclusively occupied by derivatives of the word 'sphere' (Standard Czech {koule} < Middle High German {kūle}). In Polešovice we come across the form {kulatej} [OLA L10: 165-167, map 37], and we include the term {kulatí} in the list.
Kucaɫa 1957: 43. Kucaɫa provides this term as {u̯okrǫgu̯yk}, but this is probably a misprint, because in the next line it is already given as {u̯okrǫgu̯y}.
Polysemy: 'round 2D / round 3D': {Кукушкъ, етъ, пахош, γлаза у нʼей круγлыи} "It seems to be a cuckoo, it has round eyes" [DS 1969: 451]; {Лʼицо-та круγлайа, а то пъдлʼинʼнʼей} "She has a round face, and that one is oblong" [DS 1969: 422].
Kalsbeek 1998: 541. Borrowed from some Romance source. This term is applied to fine sand. A later borrowing from Italian, šâːbiy-a {šȃbija}, is used for the designation of sea sand [Kalsbeek 1998: 557].
Jurišić 1973: 185. Because of the limited number of available contexts we do not find it possible to distinguish between two candidates: sabǔːn {sabũn} and yarîːn-a {jarȋna}, both of Romance origin.
Some examples are: {Нъ рʼикʼе идʼош - пʼисок прʼама тута… йета касʼица} "When you go along the river, there is sand just here... it's a sand bank"; {Пʼасок касʼицы нъмываитʼ} "Sand deposits banks" [DS 1969: 243].
Hill 1991: 194. Suppletive verb. In the function of the perfective aorist stem, rˈɛč-ɛ {reče} is used. In the imperfective present there is a third stem: vˈɛl-ɛ {vele} (among kˈaž-v-a {kažva}) [Hill 1991: 194; 241], but as the texts show, it has a strong tendency to be used as a marker of direct speech.
Houtzagers 1999: 304. Present paradigm: {vȩjȋm} 'I say' / {vȩjȋš} 'you say' / {vȩjȋ} 'he says' / {ve{U+0327}jȉmo} 'we say' / {vȩjȉtȩ} 'you say' / {vȩjȩ̂} (Hidegség and Fertőhomok) ~ {vȩjȉdu} (Hidegség) 'they say'. Forms with –lj- are less frequent than forms with -j-. Sometimes forms derived from {rȩ̏č}: {rȩ̏češ} 'you say', {rȩ̏čȩ} 'he says' are used. The first person forms {rȩ̏ko} (Fertőhomok) and {rȩ̏ku} (Hidegség) are used as historic present [Houtzagers 1999: 330, 151]. All the other forms are derived from {rȩ̏č}: l-participles {rȩ̏kel} (masc.), {rȩ̏kla} (fem.), {rȩ̏kli} (masc. pl.), past participle {rȩčȩ̏no} (neut.), imperative {rȩ̏či} ~ {rȩ̏ci} [Houtzagers 1999: 304].
Gregorič 2014: 377. There are two probable candidates: rɛ-č {rˈeč} [Gregorič 2014: 377] and pˈo̝=vɛ-t {ˈpȯvet} 'to say / to tell' [Gregorič 2014: 321]. According to the dictionary material, the first one seems to be more universal and frequent.
Distinct from de̝ː-n {ˈdėːn} (first person sg.) glossed as "[*deti], reči, dejati" [Gregorič 2014: 70] and seemingly obsolete.
Steenwijk 1992: 303. Distinct from ȡˈɐ-t {đɐt} 'to say, to call' [Steenwijk 1992: 255], which is used to denote speaking in general, not for a concrete act of speech, cf.: {po láškin ni díjo} "they do not speak Italian" [Steenwijk 1992: 193]; {ti súlbaški díjo, da "jít", invé̤ci mí̤ dímo̤, da "jé̤st"} "those from Stolvizza say jít, but we say jé̤st" [Steenwijk 1992: 174]; {ni díjo da to no̤ lé̤tu zgubjanó̤} "they say that it is a lost year (to serve in the army)" [Steenwijk 1992: 113-114].
Some examples are: {Prám sem to chťéu̯ řéct} "That is exactly what I wanted to say" [Malina 1946: 93]; {Řekne pravdu, enom diš sa přeřekne} "He tells the truth only when he has a slip of the tongue" [Malina 1946: 96].
Pilisszanto Slovak:pɔ=vɛd-a-t {povedat}4
Occurs in examples: {do ťi to povedal?} "who said this to you?" [Gregor 1975: 214]; {ňex poveďá} "let him say" [Gregor 1975: 248]. Distinct from {hovorit} 'to speak' [Gregor 1975: 225].
Wieciorka Lesser Polish:pˈɛʓ-ɛ-ɕ {peʒ́eć}4
Kucaɫa 1957: 284. Less frequent is pwɔ=vʸˈɛʓ-ɛ-ɕ {pu̯oveʒ́eć} [Kucaɫa 1957: 284] which came from Standard Polish. Kucaɫa also provides the term ʐɨ-c {žyc}, but, like the Standard {rzec}, it is rather rare and probably archaic. We have found it only in three contexts, whilst {peʒ́eć} is very frequent. The contexts are: {mǫm žyc Franeg͜ ńe I̯ȯzek} "I wanted to say Franek, not Józek"; {kupę ći, žekę, u̯oʒ́ęńe pu̯oχau̯upne} "I will buy you, I said, a house dress" (W.); {žekne coś} (Fac.) [Kucaɫa 1957: 284].
TS 1: 45-46. A Polonism. Apart from this term, there is also the inherited item vʸˈiʒʸ-ɛ-cʸ {ві́дзець} ~ vʸˈiʒʸ-i-cʸ {ві́дзіць} [TS 1: 125], but it seems to be very rare, as we found only four occurrences (excluding predicative {відно}): {Я відзела, ек жабу шлі з одное болоцвіны ў другую} "I saw frogs going from one bog to another" [TS 1: 71]; {Што відзіў, то й брыдзіў} "what he saw, he spoiled" (proverb) [TS 1: 125]; {Тумно, тумно, только відзен зелёны дубочок} "It is dark, it is dark, only a green oak can be seen" (from a song) [TS 5: 164]; {Я не віджу, шо ўжэ рэхта} "I can't see if it is done" [TS 4: 349].
Distinct from vu=zʸir-ˈa-cʸ {вузіра́ць} 'to look out / to look' [TS 1: 161], ɣlʸɛʒʸ-ˈe-cʸ {гледзе́ць} 'to look / to take care of' [TS 1: 202] and ʒʸivʸ-ˈi-cːa {дзіві́цца} 'to look' [TS 2: 18].
Occurs in examples: {Хто йаво вʼидʼал, съмалʼот?} "Who saw it, that airplane?" [DS 1969: 116]; {А вы йаво нʼа вʼидʼилʼи?} "Have you seen him?" [DS 1969: 108]. Distinct from ɣlʸˈad-a-tʸ {γлʼадатʼ} and ɣlʸidʸ-ˈɛ-tʸ {γлʼидʼетʼ} ~ ɣlʸadʸ-ˈɛ-tʸ {γлʼадʼетʼ} 'to look' [DS 1969: 114] and from smatrʸ-ˈɛ-tʸ {сматрʼетʼ} 'to look' ({Сматрʼи в акно} "Look out of the window" [DS 1969: 89]).
Malina 1946: 107. Malina glosses this word as {řepné semeno} ("beet seed"), but the following example shows that it possibly has a wider meaning: {Čišci zelné seménko vipili} "Siskins pecked out all the cabbage seeds" [Malina 1946: 141].
Gregor 1975: 267. Polysemy: 'kernel, seed / maize panicle'.
Wieciorka Lesser Polish:na=ˈä̃ɲ-ɛ {naśęńe}2
Kucaɫa 1957: 232. Does not have a separate entry, but occurs in the following context: {ńevelgå i s͜ tegu̯o z'ićǫtka pu̯oćeχa - mu̯oze śe ledve naśęńe vrȯći} "one gets little joy from this rye, perhaps we will get only seeds back" (probably speaking about harvest perspectives). Distinct from ˈɛmʸä̃ {śemę} 'flax seed' [Kucaɫa 1957: 60].
TS 5: 28. Apart from the inherited term sʸˈemy-ɛ {се́м'е}, there is also the Polonism na=sʸˈɛn-y-ɛ {насе́нье} 'seed / eggs (of insects)' [TS 3: 159-160]. Since we did not manage to find any difference between these terms, we include both in the list.
Some examples are: {Бʼирʼош доску балʼшуйа и бʼирʼош - такʼии валʼкʼи былʼи - зачʼнʼеш йаво кълатʼитʼ… и йета сʼемʼа-та, ана фсʼа аткалачʼиваъицца ат нʼаво, ат етъва лʼна-тъ} "You take a big board and a beetle (hammer) which we used to have and then you start to batter it [flax], and this seed, it is all knocked out from flax" [DS 1969: 196]; {Сʼемʼа канопнъйа сʼеили… ды какайа сʼемʼа была харошъйа} "We sowed hemp seeds... and that seed was so good" [DS 1969: 237].
Gregorič 2014: 395. Distinct from čˈič-a-t {ˈčičat} 'to sit' used in baby-talk [Gregorič 2014: 62] and from sɛs-t {ˈsest} 'to sit down' [Gregorič 2014: 398].
Rajh 2010: 209. Distinct from čˈič-a-ti {ˈčičati} 'to sit (expressive)' [Rajh 2010: 34] and from sˈɛs-ti-si {ˈsesti si} 'to sit down' [Rajh 2010: 210].
Does not occur in the dictionary, but is cited in the grammar part of the book [Gregor 1975: 141]. Distinct from sɛnː-u-t-si {sennut si} 'to sit down' [Gregor 1975: 267].
Kucaɫa 1957: 174. Distinct from ˈad-a-ɕ {śadać} ~ ˈad-nɔ̃-ɕ {śadnǫć} 'to sit down'. Kucaɫa writes these words in the Standard orthography, but for the purpose of uniformity we transcribe them in his transliteration.
DS 1969: 512-513. Polysemy: 'to sit / to be situated / to grow somewhere (about plants) / not to grow up (about plants) / to be employed / to look after / to live somewhere'. Distinct from sʸɛs-tʸ {сʼестʼ} 'to sit down' [DS 1969: 511].
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